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So far as the text is concerned, praise must be accorded the editor. In a number of pages read here and there at random with several comparative texts, the reviewer did not find either a mistake or a misprint. The punctuation of the text is much improved over earlier editors, and in only one place that the reviewer came upon,
did a radical change in punctuation seem to make possible even a slight difference in rendition. A number of references which Grotius cited from memory, wrongly, have been found and bracketed in the notes after the old text reference.
One is inclined to deplore the lack of international agreement in the matter of abbreviations, both those of ancient and mediæval writers, and there is much to be desired in some future definitive edition of Grotius De Iure Belli ac Pacis a list of "Auctores Laudati," which will correct traditional spellings, and amplify the authors' names into something less bare in value than the usual lists which still encumber but do not enhance modern editions of the late medieval internationalists.
RALPH V. D. MAGOFFIN.
The English-Speaking Brotherhood and the League of Nations. By
Sir Charles Walston (Waldstein), M.A. LITT.D. Cambridge:
pp. xxi, 224. The object of this volume is indicated by its title. It is a plea for more cordial relations between the British Empire and the United States, and an earnest argument in behalf of the League of Nations established by the Treaty of Versailles. The former object is entitled to the heartiest sympathy. Relations of friendship and cordiality between the two great English-speaking nations are of the greatest importance to the very existence of civilization, now threatened from so many quarters.
The author's views on the League of Nations go beyond the settlement of Versailles and beyond any propositions ever seriously advocated in the United States. He does not shrink from the logical answer to the current objection that the League is powerless to do anything more than to make recommendations. He advocates disarmament of national forces which might take part in international war. He urges the establishment of a supernational police, consisting of army, navy and air forces. These forces would be directly under the orders of the Supreme International Court for the purpose of carrying out its orders in the establishment of international justice. He reminds us that a soldier is by the very etymology of the term one who serves for hire. In this view the Hessian troops employed to suppress our own Revolution would seem to be the ideal warriors. The judges of this court as regards their international office and functions would have dropped their nationality and all personal and local interests with which they have been associated. To remove such a tribunal from the influence of separate nations, its seat would be established on some remote islands, the Azores, Bermuda, Madeira, or the Canaries, or perhaps on one or more of the Channel Isles. The author compares such a detached habitation for his Supernational Court with the District of Columbia in its relation to the United States Government. Here, not only is the Supernational Court to have its habitation, but here also would be assembled, to carry into effect its decrees, the International Army, Navy and Air force. The functions of this capital of the great Confederation would not only concern war, but peace as well. It would tend to become the center of the intellectual life of the world. Industry, science and art would there find their center. It would be the seat for great international exhibitions and scientific congresses. Thus will the world's peace be insured. The financing of this great plan is left conveniently vague.
Before this review meets the eyes of our readers the American people will have given a mandate on the questions now under such earnest discussion. It may be doubted whether that mandate, whichever way it may be given, will be as clear and distinct as is often assumed. The details will still remain to be worked out, and in this matter details are everything.
There is no question among those who are discussing the peace settlement that some association of nations with the object of preventing war is desirable. Unquestionably, too, any proposition to carry the League of Nations to the point demanded by our author would stand no chance of consideration by the American Congress or people. Whether if adopted it would work is hardly necessary to discuss; for it is not within the range of possibility.
The author even admits that before his complete ideal is attained it is probable that there will be another conflict, the next and last war, which will coerce the secessionists of the world into the acceptance of the complete and truly lasting Federation of the Civilized World.
The dream of Germany was one of conflict—the last war, short, sharp and decisive-which should establish forever the German ideal of a systematized and completely governed world. The principal difference in our author's plan is that the rulers of the world would speak English instead of German.
The chapter entitled “Nationality and Hyphenism" is a plea for a genuine feeling of nationality without regard to the origin of citizens. We in America are in a position to realize the danger of organizing citizens according to the nationality of origin of themselves or of their ancestors. His views against such organization are timely and right. At the same time, no account is taken of the serious perils involved in mingling the members of the primary races of mankind. Mr. Lothrop Stoddard, in his Rising Tide of Color, has recently brought out this menace with tragic emphasis.
At the present time the danger to the peace of the world lies not so much in national ambitions as in the difficulty—created by the profound economic disturbances of the world-in maintaining the physical basis of life. Millions of the people of central and eastern Europe will be faced during the coming winter with danger of actual starvation. Such conditions make for chaos and anarchy. Such propositions as those of the author offer no remedy.
The whole scheme of the book is hopelessly impracticable. We may heartily agree, however, with this proposition: “All principles of social and political betterment to secure the peace of the world and the progress of civilization which we can devise on political or on economic grounds, will not secure our great purpose unless we can change and mend the heart of man. Only then can peace be assured." It is in establishing just economic conditions and in making this transformation in the heart of the individual—and only the gospel of Christ will do the latter—that much more confidence can be placed than in ambitious schemes of courts composed of judges divested of nationality carrying out their decrees by irresistible force.
GEORGE A. KING.
The Monroe Doctrine and the Great War. By Arnold Bennett Hall.
Chicago : A. G. McClurg & Co. 1920. pp. 177 (no index). 750. In purpose and plan of treatment, this small analytic volume is similar to the recent volume of Dr. J. H. Latané on “From Isolation to Leadership" which appeared in 1918. The chief aim is to show that the basic principle of the American historic policy is essentially akin to the policy of the proposed League of Nations. He has presented briefly and in simple form the essential facts of the foundation (Ch. I), formulation (Ch. II), and evolution of the Monroe Doctrine and the main relations of the doctrine to present international problems of peace and world policy. Following the two chapters (III and IV) tracing the evolution of the doctrine, are a chapter on “The Pacific and the Far East” (Ch. V) and another on “Dollar Diplomacy and the Caribbean” (Ch. VI). Three concluding chapters (VII, VIII, and IX)-treating successively the enforcement of the doctrine, its relation to the problems of the World War and the proposed League of Nations, and its future are most important in presenting the chief aim of the author.
Dr. Hall recommends the example of Monroe's constructive statesmanship in reformulating the expression of established foreign policies (of self-defense) to meet new specific needs, and he concludes that the underlying principle of the evolving policy of the Monroe doctrine," whatever name may be applied to it, will continue a vital force in grappling with perils that bar the path of national progress. Recognizing recent changes in European conditions, and especially the recent growth of economic imperialism which may induce the United States to enter into imperialistic rivalries as one of the aggressive competitors for the world's markets, he declares that future adherence to the doctrine (under the new conditions of stress and strain) will necessitate extensive preparation for the enforcement of American national policy against some possible and logical European alliance or concert of Powers which he thinks may be formed if America should refuse to become a member of the League of Nations. Doubting whether the American policy can be successfully enforced hereafter by the four previously suggested methods by moral and diplomatic force, or by legal and judicial remedies of international law and arbitration, or by military power of the United States, or by a defensive Pan-American (or partially Pan-American) policyhe presents as the best hope of security the League of Nations idea which was adopted by the Paris Conference.
This League, or disentangling association of nations, he regards as the logical conclusion of the recent war, in which America fought to end war and through which she at last realized the disappearance of her isolation and recognized larger international obligations which she cannot consistently avoid ; and he believes it can be arranged through peaceful adjustment to secure to each nation a fair share of commercial opportunity and to the American republic adequate protection against improper intervention. After considering the arguments of opponents to the League, he concludes that the League seems the only means available for America to avoid another scourge of war, and that the details of this new effort at self-defense may be arranged to avoid conflict with America's established doctrine of self-defense and to voice the aspirations of American democracy.
Professor Hall's brief, timely volume, avoiding tiresome details but summarizing a large mass of facts, is readable and interesting and should prove useful in stimulating busy Americans to obtain a broader view of American foreign policy.
J. M. CALLAHAN.
Diplomacia Universitaria Americana. Argentina en el Brasil. Ciclo
de Conferencias. Derecho Internacional. Política Internacional. Historia Diplomática. By José León Suárez, Academician and Professor in the University of Buenos Ayres. Buenos Ayres :
Imprenta Escoffier, Caracciolo y Cia. 1919. In this volume, containing no less than six hundred solid pages of reading matter, Professor Suárez, of Argentina, has presented to the Spanish-reading public a series of lectures, delivered by himself, on different occasions in 1918, at the law schools and bar and historical associations, and some other centers of learning of Rio Janeiro, Bello Horizonte and Sao Paulo, Brazil, as well as in the University of Montevideo. The lectures are on different topics of more or less interest to the average student of international relations, especially as viewed from the point of view of Argentina.
In the first of these lectures, which was delivered before the Faculty of Legal and Social Sciences of Rio Janeiro, on the Argentino-Bra