The whites in those states in 1810, were 359,612 437,098 77,486 Increase, equal to 21 per cent. The reviewer assigns various reasons to account for the disparity of increase-among which the chief is, the migration of the whites to the States of Illinois and Indiana. This does not materially alter the nature of the case, nor diminish the force of the cogent reasons why South Carolina and Georgia should heartily co-operate in the colonization scheme. Similar migrations are as likely to take place in future as in times past, and to increase the disparity. Notwithstanding the extraordinary comparative increase of the coloured population in the slave states, it is worthy of remark, that the increase of the whites throughout the union is greater than that of the coloured population. The total number of whites in 1790, was 3,093,111 In 1820 8,043,915 Increase, equal to about 160 per cent. 4,950,804 The total number of the coloured population in 1790, was 757,178 1,771,658 Increase equal to about 134 per cent. 1,014,480 EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVES IN THE UNITED STATES. No. I. THE importance of the union to the security of the peace, happiness and prosperity of our citizens, and the promotion of "the wealth, power and resources" of the nation, is deeply felt and distinctly acknowledged by every man of sound head and pure heart. Whatever measures, therefore, have even a remote tendency to destroy or impair it, must be regarded with disapprobation, and, as far as possible, ought to be counteracted. Should any foreign nations be jealous of our prosperity, and desirous of retarding our advancement, they must rejoice at any thing that threatens our union, and, if any opportunity offer, encourage whatever affords a glimmering hope of such a disastrous result as a separation of the union. There are two subjects which have this tendency, and which deserve the most serious reflection of the public. The first is, the unceasing efforts of many of our citizens to inculcate the doctrines of the necessity and propriety of the universal emancipation of slaves in this country. The other is, the threats of resistance to the tariff, and those, sufficiently plain, of separation, in the event of its being extended, which have of late appeared in some of the (let me say, intemperate,) resolutions which have been adopted in one or two of the southern States. For the present I shall confine myself to a calm discussion of the first, to which I request the sober consideration of my fellow citizens. That slavery in every form is an evil-that to the extent in which it exists in this country, it is a great and alarming oneand that it is a subject of reproach in the eyes of the people of the old world, is not, I believe, denied by any rational citizen, whether slave-holder or abolitionist. But that those who thus reproach us, are not aware of the immense difficulty of removing the evil, is equally clear. I will not, for a moment, allow myself to believe, that those who have enrolled themselves as advocates for universal emancipation, are actuated by any other than benevolent motives. But while I cheerfully admit their motives to be benevolent, I cannot help believing that some of their efforts, particularly those of the most enthusiastic of them, have a pernicious tendency. It would argue a slender knowledge of history and of the human heart, always to infer sinister motives from measures of a disastrous tendency. Some of the most ruinous measures recorded in the historic page, have emanated from persons acting conscientiously, but from erroneous impressions. With the motives of the parties in the present case, we have. no concern. Our business is with the probable result of their efforts, in the event of their success. In order to present the subject fully before the public, it is proper to take into consideration the number, at the date of the last census, of the unfortunate beings in whose case we are called upon to interfere, the number of white citizens in the slave-holding States, and the total population of those States. Thus it appears, that in 1820, the slaves comprised more than one-third of the total population of the southern States; that they were in the proportion of two to three of the whites; that in the great State of Virginia they were two-fifths of the whole; and that in South Carolina they were more numerous than the whites. There is reason to believe that the proportion is greater now than at that period. In some of the States, the increase of the slaves is much greater than that of the whites. In South Carolina, in 1800, there were 50,104 more whites than slaves-whereas, in 1820, as stated above, there were 15,158 more of the latter than of the former. In North Carolina, in 1790, there were 288,204 whites, and 100,572 slaves, being but little more than one-third; whereas in 1820, there were of the former, 428,948, and of the latter, 205,017, nearly one-half. In Georgia in 1800, there were 101,068 whites, and 59,699 slaves, not much more than one half; but in 1820, there were 193,781 whites, and 149,656 slaves, nearly five-sixths. In this state of affairs, we find that there are many of our citizens who deceive themselves into the belief, that it is possible, not merely with safety to the master and slave, but with great benefit to the latter, to emancipate the mass of slaves, at present probably 1,750,000 souls, wholly unprepared by previous habits for freedom, or for providing for their own support! What an awful delusion! Universal immediate emancipation would be the greatest curse not merely to the masters, but to the slaves, utterly unfit as they are for such a novel situation. Few aberrations of the human mind have been more extraordinary. Let us examine by what means universal emancipation can be supposed practicable by its most ardent friends. There appear but four: 1. By the humanity and liberality of the owners, who, converted by the zealous efforts of the abolitionists, are to be struck with remorse at holding their fellow beings in slavery, and are therefore to liberate them spontaneously. 2. By the coercion of the non-slave-holding states. 3. By the government of the United States, determining that slavery shall be banished from the land, and at the same time, disposed not to violate private property, liberating the slaves, and compensating the owners. 4. By the slaves forcibly emancipating themselves. Let each be considered in its turn. I. Voluntary and general emancipation. I presume there can scarcely be found a man so zealous and enthusiastic in this cause, as to believe that the slave-owners generally, or any very great number of them, bred up as they are in the strong conviction of the right to hold slaves, (the correctness or incorrectness of which idea we are not called upon to investigate,) and dependent almost altogether upon them for most of the comforts and conveniences of life, will ever voluntarily renounce the possession, and reduce themselves to comparative penury. Such an event may, it is true, take place when the millennium arrives, but not till then. And as it is not conceivable that this great event will occur, in our days, we need not make any calculations on its advent. Humane and benevolent individuals will continue to emancipate their slaves, as has been the case for years past. But I need not observe, that this applies but a very slight and inconsiderable remedy to an evil of such enormous magnitude. II. That the non-slave-holding states will ever make the attempt to coerce those that hold slaves to relinquish them, is too absurd to be discussed for a moment. III. The third plan now presents itself, of emancipating the slaves, and indemnifying their owners, by the general government. Such an idea has been sometimes broached, whether very seriously or not, I cannot tell. But it may, at all events, warrant a passing remark. Suppose we average the slaves, not at 150 or 200 dollars, as we might do, but at 100 dollars, each. At this rate the cost of the number of slaves at present in the southern States would be $175,000,000. This enormous sum only requires to be named, to set this scheme at rest forever. IV. The last alternative is to encourage the slaves to revolt -to attempt to recover their liberty by force of arms-thus re newing the horrible scenes of St. Domingo-and laying the whole of the southern States in blood and ashes. I cannot for a moment harbour the idea that such a state of things can be contemplated by the friends of the blacks. But the conviction irresistibly forces itself on my mind, that the tendency of some of the writings on this side of the question, is to produce this result. The slaves are unceasingly taught that they are unlawfully held in bondage; and as a corollary from this, it is sometimes, not very obscurely, hinted that they have a right to assert their freedom at all events. It is impossible that such unceasing efforts should wholly fail of their effects. Some of the most ardent spirits among them will be on the watch, for opportunities of signalizing themselves as Tells, Vasas, and Washingtons. We know that attempts of this kind have been made, and some of the most formidable of them have been defeated by accident alone. Nothing but the dread of superior force restrains them. That such an attempt, if made, would be unsuccessful-or, if successful, that it would be at the expense of masses of misery and wretchedness to the slaves as well as their masters, which would far outweigh all the good produced, if any good could be produced by such a horrible convulsion, cannot for a moment be doubted. We may, therefore, fairly conclude the object of immediate universal emancipation wholly unattainable, or, if attainable, at too high a price; and it becomes proper to try to ascertain what are the effects likely to be produced on master and slave by the doctrines now spreading on that subject. They are well calculated to render the slaves sullen, discontented, unhappy, and refractory-and the masters suspicious, fearful of consequences, and disposed to enhance the rigour of the condition of their slaves, in order to avert the dangers that appear to impend over them from the promulgation of the antislavery doctrines; thus, in this case, as in so many others, the imprudent zeal of friends is likely to produce more substantial injury than the animosity of decided enemies could accomplish. What then is to be done in this alarming and unhappy state of things? Shall we sit down torpidly, without an effort at mitigating the evil, or preventing its increase, under the idea that it is hopeless and remediless? Far from it. The evil, though probably not susceptible of a complete remedy, may be greatly mitigated, and humanity to the slave rendered perfectly com |