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far as to show that the union of the Texas issue with that of slavery extension in reality only retarded and in the end came near to wrecking the cause of annexation. The latter thesis he supports by endeavoring to show that Polk came to the presidency with a well-developed plan for wresting California from Mexico, by diplomacy and purchase if possible, by war and conquest if necessary. Unsatisfied claims of American citizens against Mexico, which had been grist for contention between the two Republics through many years, furnished the groundwork for the plan. It is perhaps true enough that Polk coveted California from the beginning, that he made an abortive attempt to secure the territory through diplomatic channels, and that he took steps to make certain that California should be the fruit of the war, if war resulted. But it must be remembered that Mexico had long ago declared that annexation must be considered" as equivalent to a declaration of war," that she steadily refused to renew the diplomatic relations which she had severed upon the annexation of Texas, and that since 1845 she had been amassing her troops at Matamoros, on the south bank of the Rio Grande. There is no evidence to show that Mexico intended to retreat as gracefully as possible from her threat of war. (The Mexican records have never been examined.) Moreover, there was the question of boundary dispute between Texas (now the United States) and Mexico a question which Dr. Reeves seems to regard as negligible. Even in the light of Dr. Reeves's examination of the records, the situation seems to be summed up thus: Polk, greatly desiring California, prepared for war by the mobilization of troops and stood ready to strike upon slight provocation; Mexico, incensed by the annexation of Texas, assumed a similar, if not more bellicose, attitude and mobilized her troops upon the border. Mexico gave the provocation when General Ampudia crossed the Rio Grande and engaged General Taylor upon soil claimed by the United States. Upon the strength of this act of aggression American historians have justified the defensive character of the war. (Burgess, Middle Period, 331.) In the face of these facts it seems difficult to concede to Dr. Reeves that the Mexican war was not, to some extent at least, the result of Texas annexation. Nor does he fortify with any sufficient evidence his statement that "before the news of Taylor's fight reached him Polk had determined to declare war upon Mexico." It seems doubtful, to say the least, whether he is justified in concluding that the Mexican war must stand in the light of a premeditated aggression for conquest and spoliation completely separated from the incident of Texas annexation.

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In at least one instance Dr. Reeves has slipped into a minor error that is somewhat glaring. He characterizes President Polk's appointment, without the consent of the Senate, of Nicholas P. Trist as special agent to negotiate with Mexico for peace as "a method quite without precedent or parallel." As a matter of fact, this power of appointing special agents without the consent of the Senate has been exercised from time to time by many Presidents from the very first year of our constitutional history. (Moore, Int. Law Digest, IV, 452-457.)

In spite of these criticisms Dr. Reeves has given us a preeminently scholarly treatment of a period of our history every detail of which has been tangled and knotted with, or completely obliterated by, the slavery controversy. It is perhaps to be regretted that, in the labyrinth of detailed diplomatic correspondence and negotiation which is set forth, the larger principles which shaped and impelled these great expansive movements of our history have been somewhat obscured, while interesting sidelights upon characters and events stand conspicuously forward. The examination of manuscript and printed records seems to have been carefully and exhaustively made, and the work, in consequence, can not fail to be stimulating, helpful, and suggestive to the student of American diplomatic and political history.

HOWARD LEE MCBAIN.

The Two Hague Conferences and their Contributions to International
Law. By William I. Hull. Ginn & Co.: Boston. 1908.

The purpose of this volume is stated in the preface to be for service to the members of the National Educational Association, and other organizations named, in carrying out the recommendation of a report adopted by the association, that "the work of the Hague conferences and of the peace associations be studied carefully, and the results given proper consideration in the work of instruction." In accordance with this announced purpose the author, in presenting the labor and results of the conferences of 1899 and 1907, has marshaled his material in a unique and attractive way. Dividing his subject into thirteen general topics, such as "Origin," "Members," "Armaments," "Warfare on land," "Arbitration," etc., he treats each topic under two sub-heads, "The Conference of 1899" and "The Conference of 1907," summarizing the discussions and accomplishments of each conference as to the topic which he is considering. It is evident that this method of presentation fur

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nishes a ready means of comparing the results of the two conferences as to any subject in which a reader is peculiarly interested; and it further illustrates in a graphic manner the progress made by the nations toward the amelioration of the brutality of war and the elimination of its causes by demonstrating the decided advance made by the conference of 1907 over that of 1899, both in the spirit manifested and in the character of the discussions.

The first eight divisions (which are chapters in fact, though not so termed) deal with the origin and organization of the conferences (pages 1-51) except V, which is entitled "Organized public opinion," and the five divisions following (pages 52-448), with the subjects considered by the delegates. The remaining fifty-five pages (division XIV) are devoted to "A summary of results and their historical importance," and this the author divides into three parts, entitled "Attempts," "Achievements," and "Indirect results." In the first two parts he treats in a brief way of what was attempted by the conferences of 1899 and 1907, and of what was achieved by them. It is a resummarizing of the material already dealt with upon the basis of the conferences rather than the subjects. In the part entitled "Indirect results" are discussed "The federation of the world" and "The Third Peace Conference." The "historical importance" of the two conferences, which the author purports to discuss, seems, upon an examination of the text, to hardly warrant its inclusion in the title of this portion of the work.

The discussion of "Organized public opinion" (part V) in the volume may be fairly criticized, as introducing a subject pertaining to the individual members of the conferences rather than to them in their official capacity. The extent of the influences exerted by societies, associations, and organizations of various sorts being largely problematical, reference to them in a precise treatise, such as Professor Hull has published, weakens rather than strengthens his work. In a measure the same is true of the section entitled "The federation of the world." It deals with a phase of political development which, under certain conditions, might be directly related to an international conference such as those held at The Hague, but which is, so far as the two already held are concerned, irrelevant. That the peace conferences have to an appreciable degree supplied the lack of an efficient executive to enforce the recognized law of nations and the decrees of international tribunals, as asserted by the author, certainly requires more than a declaration to be generally accepted. The aroused conscience of civilized states and the

constantly increasing force of moral obligation can never form substitutes for an executive and the physical might upon which its authority rests. To accept such a doctrine takes us back to the idealism of Locke and Montesquieu.

As a whole, Professor Hull's book is of decided merit. The style is simple and direct. The digest of addresses is well done, and the quotations given have been well selected. The amount of space given to the various subjects is commensurate with their importance. These subjects are also well arranged for reference, and the volume will be unquestionably useful to students of world politics and to instructors in presenting to their pupils the progress which has been made by the nations toward the removal of the causes and horrors of war. The index might be improved. The analytical treatment, preciseness of statement, and practical style further commend the book to the general reader, as well as to the student of political subjects.

ROBERT LANSING.

Verfassung und Verwaltungsorganisation der Städte. 7. Bd. EnglandFrankreich-Nordamerika. Mit Beiträgen von F. W. Hirst, H. Berthélemy, Frank J. Goodnow, Delos F. Wilcox. Im Auftrag des Vereins für Socialpolitik herausgegeben. Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. 1908. Pp. xvii, 227, 229.

This is the final volume of a survey of municipal organization undertaken by the Verein für Socialpolitik. The first three volumes were devoted to Prussia; the fourth, to several of the smaller German States; the fifth, to Switzerland; and the sixth to Austria. The seventh volume is devoted to brief accounts of the municipal organization in England, France, and the United States. The portion of this volume dealing with France is printed in French, and the parts devoted to England and the. United States are printed in English. The proof-reading has been carelessly done, and, as might have been expected, the German printers have made numerous small errors in the English and French texts. There is, however, prefixed to the volume an elaborate table of corrections to the parts written by Prof. Goodnow and Dr. Wilcox.

The account of English municipal government consists of a brief discussion concerning the general municipal organization in England, and of separate discussions of the governments of the cities of London and Leeds. This portion of the book is done by the competent hand of

Mr. F. W. Hirst, and furnishes perhaps the best brief discussion of English municipal government at the present time.

The discussion of French municipal institutions has been entrusted to M. Henry Berthélemy, the well-known authority on administrative law. In the brief space of seventy-five pages M. Berthélemy gives an excellent account of the French municipal government. It is to be regretted that he did not include a discussion of the government of Paris; his treatment of this city is confined to a few brief passages in which he indicates the manner in which its organization differs from that of other French cities. M. Berthélemy's opinion regarding the political character of the conseils municipaux is of interest:

La grande majorité des électeurs des villes est constituée par la population ouvrière. Dirigés par des comités de politiciens qui ont en vue bien moins les intérêts de la cité que la satisfaction d'ambitions personnelles, les ouvriers sont facilement dupes des intrigants ou des agitateurs sans scrupules. Les grandes villes françaises sont pour la plupart administrées par des assemblées composées en majorité de gens au dessous de la tâche qu'ils assument, et parfois même d'une moralité douteuse. (p. 170.)

In the part of the volume devoted to the United States Prof. Frank J. Goodnow contributes an excellent brief account of the position and powers of cities in the United States, and Dr. Delos F. Wilcox discusses briefly the municipal governments of Washington, New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, St. Louis, Boston, Baltimore, Cleveland, San Francisco, and New Orleans.

It is somewhat difficult to determine to what audience the volume under review is addressed. The series as a whole is evidently intended for German readers, but the accounts here printed are available only to those who read English and French, and in these languages there are more exhaustive and more satisfactory accounts of municipal organization than are here given. The general discussions of English, French, and American municipal institutions, by Hirst, Berthélemy, and Goodnow, v.hile excellent, are too brief to be of much value to anyone not already possessing some knowledge of municipal administration. Dr. Wilcox's work on the government of great American cities is the only new matter in the volume, and while it shows defects incident to the task of brief summarization, seems well worth being issued in a form more available to American readers.

W. F. DODD.

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