was not out of harmony with the spirit of its provisions. When AustriaHungary was given in 1878 administrative authority over the vilayets, which had been so misgoverned by Turkey, it was a practical transfer of the de facto sovereignty to the dual monarchy, and it could hardly have been contemplated that the Sultan would ever again come into actual possession. When, however, the Young Turks' revolution of July, 1908, gave a constitution to the Ottoman Empire, by which the principle of representation in the imperial government and that of autonomy in local governments were decreed, the Bosnians and Herzegovinans, who from the first had been hostile to Austrian occupation, were in a position to demand the restoration of full sovereignty to reformed Turkey on the ground that their rights would be amply secured by representation in the parliament at Constantinople and by the institution of local selfgovernment. Such a demand would have received the hearty support of the Young Turks and probably of Russia; and, in view of the declared grounds for Austrian occupation, it would have embarrassed the powers to refuse it.

It was doubtless on account of this probable action by the Bosnians and Herzegovinans and the uncertainty of what the determination would be in case a congress of Europe was called to consider the restoration of Turkish authority, that Baron von Aerenthal acted independently without giving preliminary notice of the intended annexation to the powers or waiting to obtain their consent.

Bulgaria was placed in a very similar condition in regard to Eastern Rumelia, although the inhabitants of the latter being chiefly Bulgars would have undoubtedly opposed any attempt of the Young Turks to give them representation in the Turkish parliament and autonomous government under the new constitution. Bulgaria, as a vassal state of Turkey, was in no position to complain if Eastern Rumelia was given constitutional government, hence a declaration of independence was necessary to retain control over the province south of the Balkan range. To allow the powers to decide whether Bulgaria should be independent and should include within its boundaries Eastern Rumelia was too uncertain a course for Prince Ferdinand to pursue in view of the conflicting interests involved. Like Austria, therefore, and undoubtedly acting upon a mutual understanding with that government Ferdinand proclaimed the freedom of his principality from Turkish suzerainty and assumed the ancient title of the Bulgarian Tzar.

At the time of the signature of the Treaty of Berlin Austria's sphere

of influence was extended over Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Russia's sphere was presumed to include Bulgaria. The present situation in the Balkans has in no way changed this balance between the two empires On that account there seems little ground for objection by the powers. But the method which was employed by Austria and Bulgaria, has hurt the amour propre of more than one European government, and caused a great deal of grumbling and complaint, though that has subsided and Europe has given its sanction to acts which have demonstrated how worthless the Treaty of Berlin is in restraining political action in the Balkan Peninsula.

The real causes of unrest in Southeastern Europe, however, still remain to vex the statesmen of the powers and to menace continental peace. These are the national ambitions and the national animosities of the different races of that region. Cavour declared nationality to be the most potent force in the political world of the nineteenth century, and the weakness of the Treaty of Berlin seems to lie in the fact that its authors failed to realize this truth.

The Serb, the Bulgar, and the Greek have for the past ten years endeavored to secure numerical supremacy in Macedonia, each one hoping that his country may fall heir to that fertile region, when the Turk withdraws across the Bosphorus. Each race in seeking to obtain the mastery of the Balkan Peninsula, and by doing so to become one of the powerful states of Europe. It is from this struggle of races, combined with the inefficiency of Turkish rule, that Macedonia has been for so long a land of lawlessness and outrage. And it was the blow to the ambition of the Servian people, who had hoped to unite their kindred, the Bosnians and Herzegovinans, in the "Great Servia" of the future, that caused the intense bitterness of the Serbs against Austria, when the provinces were annexed last October.

While Austria's triumph may for a time dishearten the Balkan Slavs, the racial conflict will undoubtedly be renewed, for behind the little kingdom and the Slav principality of Montenegro is the great Empire of Russia, which, when it has recovered from its defeat in the Far East and from its internal dissensions, will give its moral support and perhaps its strength to the cause of the southern Slavs.

Thus the Balkan Question remains an unsolved problem still, which the recent situation has in no way changed unless it is to introduce. another contestant in the racial struggle for Southeastern Europe in the person of the Austrian.

THE CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA

The South African Convention, which began its sessions in October, completed the draft of a Constitution for the Union on February 3, 1909. This draft was submitted to the Parliaments of the four South African colonies on the thirtieth of March, and was discussed by them throughout the month of April. Early in May, the Convention reassembled for the purpose of considering amendments suggested by the various parliaments. The final draft of the Constitution was passed on May 14, and was then again submitted to the individual parliaments for the purpose of having the latter pass the addresses for Union. The draft is then to be submitted to the British government and to be enacted in the form of law by the British Parliament. The Constitution will, therefore, not be submitted directly to the people of the South African colonies for adoption, although the colony of Natal has provided for a referendum on the question as to whether the colony is to become a member of the Union.

The new Constitution is founded in its general outline upon those of Australia and Canada, although it contains provisions introduced on account of the special circumstances of South Africa. The executive government is placed in the hands of a Governor-General and an Executive Council, as well as a cabinet of ten members, who are to administer the departments of state, and who are to be members of either house of parliament. The parliament itself is composed of two chambers, the senate and the house of the assembly. Each province shall elect eight senators, while the same number shall be nominated by the GovernorGeneral in Council. One-half of the eight thus nominated "shall be selected on the ground mainly of their thorough acquaintance with the reasonable wants and wishes of the colored races in South Africa." The term o office of the senators is ten years. Provincial senators are elected by the Provincial Council of each province. The house of assembly is composed of members chosen directly by the voters of the Union. Fiftyone members are apportioned to Cape of Good Hope, seventeen to Natal, thirty-six to the Transvaal, and seventeen to the Orange Free State. It will be noted that the Orange River Colony is to reassume its old name of Orange Free State. A commission is provided for which is to divide each province into electoral divisions, each returning three or more members. The commissioners may give consideration to "community or diversity of interests, means of communication, physical features, existing electoral boundaries, and sparsity or density of population" in fixing the quota of electors, but they shall not depart from the purely

numerical ratio to a greater extent than fifteen per cent. In other words, they may to a certain extent take into account other than purely numerical data in arranging the representation of districts. It is provided that in case a deadlock between the senate and the house extends over two sessions, the Governor-General may convene a joint meeting of the members of both. houses. In this joint session, the matter may be disposed of by all members voting together. Any law passed by the parliament may be disallowed by the Crown within a year after it has been assented to by the Governor-General.

The South African Union will differ from the United States in that the central government will not be one of enumerated powers, it being provided that "parliament shall have full power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of South Africa." It is the powers of the provinces that are specifically delegated. They may be described as referring generally to all matters which are of merely local or private nature in the provinces, such as agriculture, municipal institutions, public works other than railways and harbors, markets, and game preservation. The chief official in the province is to be known as the Administrator. He is assisted by a Provincial Council, consisting of the same number of members as are elected by the Province for the house of assembly of the Union.

A supreme court is established, and it is provided that there shall be no appeal from the Supreme Court of South Africa to the King in Council, "but nothing herein contained shall be construed to impair any right which the King in Council may be pleased to exercise to grant special leave to appeal from the Appellate Division to the King in Council. Parliament may make laws limiting the matters in respect of which such special leave may be asked." The Constitution also contains special provisions with respect to finance and the management of the state railways. The relations of the government to the subjects of non-European race are not dealt with in the Constitution, with the exception of the provision respecting four members of the senate. But the right of suffrage now accorded to negroes in Cape Colony shall not be taken away, unless there should be a two-thirds vote of the total members of both houses in favor of such a measure.

The Constitution improves upon the state of Rhode Island in the matter of capitals. The seat of the executive departments shall be at Pretoria, the parliament, however, will assemble at Cape Town, while the supreme court will hold its sessions at Bloemfontein. It seems un

fortunate that an instrument, the provisions of which are in general so simple and direct, should contain an arrangement like this, which will cause unending difficulties in the administration of public business. Especially when we consider that the ministers of state are also members of parliament, the awkwardness of an arrangement by which they will be forced to flit back and forth between Pretoria and Cape Town during the legislative sessions, is apparent.

When this Constitution was submitted to the colonial parliaments, it was feared by many that the attempts to amend and improve would be fatal to the ultimate success of the movement for Union. The Transvaal lead the way by a unanimous approval. It was, however, in Cape Colony and Natal, where the feeling between the Boer and English elements is most tense, that the greatest difficulties presented themselves. Under the Constitution, perfect equality of electors is provided for. As is well known, the South African political arrangements hitherto have given greater weight to the rural electorates than to those in the city — which resulted to the advantage of the Boer element. Not only does the Constitution do away with this distinction, but in its original draft, it provided for proportional representation. Thus in every way were the rights of the minority guaranteed. These arrangements were not satisfactory to the Afrikander Bond in Cape Colony. The Cape government, therefore, asked for an amendment upholding the old distinction between rural and urban electorates, and the suppression of proportional representation. It was feared that on this rock the entire Constitution might be lost; yet, the Convention in its session in May succeeded in arriving at a satisfactory compromise. Proportional representation was restricted to the election of senators, and is not to be used in the election of members of the assembly. On the other hand, the equality of the electcrates provided for by the original draft has been maintained. The suppression. of proportional representation will strengthen the Boer element in the assembly, and in the case of a deadlock between the senate and the assembly, the larger numbers of the latter will have a great influence upon legislation. The Constitution in its present form is therefore looked upon by many as a distinct victory by the Boer element.

Looking, however, at the temper of the South African countries, as it expressed itself in the discussions of the last few months, it is pleasing to note the disappearance of racial animosities before the growing feeling of loyalty towards the idea of a great semi-independent South African Union. "Closer Union " Associations have been formed, and meetings