decade or a century is a purely arbitrary group. ing. The main course of history is not much affected by these arbitrary transitions from one century to another, although, evidently, in less important ways the course of history is modified by the manner in which mankind agrees to shape affairs to correspond with measures of time to which custom has attached importance. Thus doubtless the nearness of the transition from one century to another had something to do with fixing the date upon which the Russians decided to make official use of the Gregorian calendar. The turn of the century obviously supplied a large part of the motive for the holding of the great French exposition that is to open several months hence; and the holding of this exposition, in indirect ways, will unquestionably, in the future, be seen to have affected the course of political history to no insignificant extent.

and the Hague

The The nearness of the end of the nine. Century-End teenth century and the feeling that Conference. the twentieth century ought to open with a more auspicious outlook for peace and harmony doubtless had something to do with the calling of the Hague conference, and had still more to do with the spirit of the gathering and with its weighty results. The work of that conference was embodied chiefly in the form of a treaty providing a plan for the regular and permanent resort to arbitration in the settlement of disputes between nations. By authority of the President of the United States our delegates at the Hague conference signed that treaty. The Senate of the United States, sharing with the President the treatymaking power, must now ratify the convention by a two-thirds affirmative vote if this country is to stand as a party to the general agreement. No one will say that the adoption of this treaty will have established the millennial reign of universal peace; but it will certainly have been a most hopeful step in that direction. For the Senate of the United States to refuse to ratify the treaty, in this transitional year which is ushering in the new cen. tury, would seem to us to be making history in the retrograde rather than in the progressive Mr. McKinley in his message to Congress urges ratification.

sense.

Smooth the

Senators, We print elsewhere in this number Ratify and the full text of that memorable draft, Path of History!and we join with other careful and serious students of the questions that are involved in respectfully asking the Senators, without any regard to party affiliations and with consideration for the main spirit and purpose of the treaty, and without much stickling about details, to honor themselves and show their faith in the better side of human nature and national character by voting cheerfully to make the United States a party to this international agreement. As Mr. Holls, of the American delegation, so ably explained in our November number, the treaty in no manner changes the position of the United States with respect to its traditional policy. It leaves us free to exercise under the Monroe Doctrine an oversight over the peaceful evolution of republican institutions in the western hemisphere, and to avoid complications with. the concert of Europe in those affairs that have come by general consent to be supervised by that group of powers. There are cynics who will say that the professed interest of the United States in the settlement of disputes by arbitration is a palpable humbug in view of our painful and costly war with the Filipinos, still unfinished after almost a year. There are still more who will

Photo by Davis & Sanford.

THE LATE VICE-PRESIDENT HOBART.

gainsay the professed faith of the English in the possibilities of arbitration in view of their absolute refusal to arbitrate their differences with the Transvaal republic and in the ace of the deplorable conflict now raging in South Africa. But these conflicts merely illustrate the horrible nature of war as an instrument for the remedy of difficulties or grievances of any sort, and render all the more urgent the advocacy of every principle, policy, and practical method by which wars may be rendered more and more infrequent.

The Late Mr. Hobart.

The death of the Hon. Garret A. Hobart, Vice-President of the United States, occurred at his home, Paterson, N. J., on November 21. Mr. Hobart had been ill for some months, and it was generally known that his retirement from public life was imminent, although it was by no means realized that his disease was destined to run its course so rapidly. Before his nomination to the VicePresidency in 1896 Mr. Hobart was a man prominent in his own State of New Jersey, well and honorably known among business men in New York City, and extensively acquainted with active Republican leaders throughout the country. He had been a successful business man,

with varied corporate interests. He had headed the New Jersey delegation in national Republican conventions, and was known to have served prominently in both houses of the State Legisla ture, although not regarded as one of the office holding or seeking class. He brought to the office of the Vice-Presidency a remarkable amount of tact and good sense.

Functions

of the

The active functions of the Vice-Presi

dent are limited to the work of presidVice-President. ing in a somewhat honorary capacity over the deliberations of the Senate. He does not appoint the Senate committees, make its rules, or exercise any authority whatever, except that on rare occasions of a tie vote he has power to turn the scale. The Vice-President has no official or public relations with the President or Cabinet, and his importance lies in the chance that through the death of the President he may step from a position without authority to one that carries with it more responsibility and power than any other in the whole range of modern constitutional governments. Since such a thing is possible at any moment, it is of the utmost consequence to the country that the Vice-President be ready and able to take up the burden where his predecessor has laid it down. It has often

been suggested that the Constitution of the United States be amended to make the office of the Vice-President more inviting to an active man by attaching to it certain real responsibilities and duties. But until it becomes perfectly clear what such duties ought to be, there is no reason to suppose that anything will be done to change that which is written in the organic law. while a great deal can be done, without any change of the laws, to increase the influence and dignity of the Vice-Presidential position. For one thing, political parties should never fail to select candidates for this office who are acceptable in every way to their candidates for the Presidency.

Mr. Hobart's Public Influence.

Mean

It happened that Mr. Hobart and Mr. McKinley were congenial, and that the President set high value upon the counsel and coöperation of the Vice-President. And so, without holding a Cabinet portfolio, Mr. Hobart. was in close confidential relations with President McKinley, on excellent terms with the members of the Cabinet, and in close touch with the policy and operations of the Government. Thus if death had suddenly claimed the President, Mr. Hobart would have been able to take up the reins of office with no danger of a break in the continuity of affairs and no probability whatever of any reorganization of the Cabinet or of any part of the executive government. Mr.

Hobart also made the most of his opportunities. as presiding officer of the Senate. He mingled freely among the Senators; was diligent, impartial, and efficient in his parliamentary role as a presiding officer; and through the force of a very attractive personality and a wonderfully sound judgment and lucid intelligence, he was probably as influential in shaping the policies and expediting the business of the Senate as if he had been a member of that body of long standing. He was the acknowledged head of the Republican party of his own State, and held the devoted friendship of other leading New Jersey Republicans like the Attorney-General, Mr. Griggs, and the present governor.

Mr. Hay as "Heir

A few years ago Congress enacted a new law to arrange the order of suc-. Apparent." cession in case of the death of the Vice-President. As this law stands, the VicePresidency being now vacant, the members of the Cabinet, beginning with the Secretary of State, are in the line of promotion in case of the death or disability of the President. The functions of the presiding officer of the Senate will be assumed by a member of that body selected by his fellow-members and known as the President pro tem. This is a position that exists at all times, so that a chairman is ready at hand in case of the temporary absence of the Vice-President. But the office of President pro tem. gains an increased importance when, as at present, the Vice-Presidency is vacant. This post is occupied by Senator William P. Frye, of Maine, whose long and honorable public service and high personal character give him the respect and esteem of his colleagues of all parties. The Secretary of State of the United States is a man whose office has never been one of mere ease and honor, without work or anxiety; and it has been a doubly responsible position of late in view of the widened range of the foreign interests and concerns of our Government. Thus the man who has this arduous and delicate public business in hand is naturally an object of exceptional interest to his fellow-citizens. And now that the Hon. John Hay, in addition to the management under the President of the foreign relations of the country, has stepped into the position of "heir apparent," so to speak, his personality and career very properly acquire a fresh interest. President McKinley's health is not impaired, and his prospects for a second term are at least as favorable as were his prospects for a first term at the time of his nomination in 1896. There remain fourteen months of the quadrennial period for which he was elected. There is not much likelihood that the Hon. John Hay will be called

HON. WILLIAM P. FRYE, PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE.

Republican The Republican National Committee Plans for the met at Washington last month and

Presidential

Year. decided to hold the next convention at Philadelphia on June 19. Although New York, St. Louis, and one or two other cities were in active competition for the honor of entertaining the great party gathering, the real contest quickly narrowed down to Chicago and Philadelphia. No Republican candidate for the Presidency has been selected by a convention sitting east of the Alleghanies for a great many years. McKinley was nominated in 1896 at St. Louis, Harrison in 1892 at Minneapolis and in 1888 at Chicago, Blaine in 1884 at Chicago, Garfield in 1880 at Chicago, and Hayes in 1876 at Cincinnati. It was hoped that the National Committee would change the basis of representation, in order to reduce in the convention what is now the absurdly disproportionate influence of

statesmanship of President McKinley have satisfied the party and the country, so that he will receive the immediate and unanimous nomination of the convention, and that choice will just as certainly be ratified by the people. By the time the convention meets the choice for VicePresident will be equally clear. We shall have the unique, interesting, and inspiring spectacle of a great party going before the people without any of the jealousies or the acrimonies or heartburnings of defeated convention candidates. The platform is already formulated in the minds not only of the party leaders, but of the voters of the country. It will point to an unexampled record of pledges fulfilled, of the beneficent results of Republican policies, and extraordinary prosperity. Its keynote will be gold and glory-gold, the standard which, once fixed beyond question, has given us the first rank among commercial nations,

and the glory of our arms, which has made us a world power and opened for the enormous surplus of our fields and factories distant, exhaustless, and remunerative markets." It is certainly true that not a single influential member of the Republican party anywhere in the country is openly opposing the renomination of President McKinley. The candidate for Vice-President will quite probably be an Eastern man, and it was reported last month that the Hon. Elihu Root, of New York, now Secretary of War, had been so generally agreed upon by influential Republicans that no other name would be offered to the convention, unless Mr. Root should positively decline to accept a place on the ticket. Men of all parties will admit that Mr. Root's name would add positive strength, and that a better man could hardly be selected as Mr. McKinley's running mate."

Another "Era of Good

It was remarked last month by the New York Times, which is an indeFeeling." pendent Democratic newspaper, that the approaching campaign gave promise of being something like that of 1820, when Monroe was reëlected in what was known as an era of good feeling" with practically no opposition whatever. But although Mr. McKinley's reëlection, as well as renomination, now seems highly probable, the situation in 1900 will not bear any literal comparison with that of 1820. Monroe received every electoral vote of all the States, with the single exception that one New Hampshire elector cast his ballot for John Quincy Adams. Southern Democrats and Northern Whigs alike acquiesced in the reëlection of President Monroe and Vice-President Tompkins. good account of that election may be found in Mr. Stanwood's excellent History of the Presidency." This year the Democrats and a considerable part of the Populists will almost certainly concur in the renomination of the Hon. William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, and it would be a great mistake, under those circumstances, for the Republicans to be too confident about the new "era of good feeling" or for the Democrats to confess defeat in advance. It will have been twentyeight years since the people of the United States reëlected their President, and an opposing coalition is not obliged to have a very consistent programme of principles or a very scientific campaign. Millions of voters will feel that the Republican party, as led by its present chieftains, is too favorable to combinations of capital, too much inclined toward large military and naval expenditure, too ready to renounce forever the old American tradition of bimetallism, and, in short, too strongly disposed toward centraliza

tion, imperialism, outlived tariff discriminations, and entangling adventures in diplomacy. It must be confessed that if the business community were not so averse to the possibility of the disturbing changes in the monetary and financial policy that Mr. Bryan's election might involve, the Republican outlook would be far less brilliant than it now is.

Cuba and Its Future.

Mr. McKinley's treatment of the Cuban question in his message is eminently satisfactory. He does not forget that Congress in April, 1898, committed itself and the country to the policy of turning the government of Cuba over to the Cubans in the due course of time. The various measures that have been pursued since the close of the war have been in preparation for Cuban independence. The treaty of Paris gave to the Spanish inhabitants of Cuba a period of time ending on April 11 next in which to decide whether to remain subjects of the Spanish crown or to accept Cuban citizenship. Meanwhile the new census of the island will have been completed. Thus it will be possible, after April 11, as it will not have been possible any sooner, to make up a roster of citizenship as a basis for the choice of a constitutional convention. The President's plan looks squarely toward the establishment of an independent Cuban republic and the withdrawal of the military forces of the United States. It is important above all things that each successive step should be taken in an orderly and responsible manner. and the situation does not call for precipitancy or mere experiment. Brig. Gen. Leonard Wood, whose management of the gov ernorship of Santiago province has been so warmly praised, was made a major-general of

Copyright, 1899, by Purdy, Boston.

Pending

MAJ.-GEN. LEONARD WOOD.

(The new governor of Cuba.)

Naturally, the character of the camQuestions paign will be much affected by the (1) Porto Rico. course of public events during the coming six months. The more rapidly the Republicans, with their present unobstructed sweep of power, find satisfactory solutions for existing problems, the better will be their position before the country next fall. Some of these pending questions have to do with the treatment of the island territories affected by our war with Spain. In his message President McKinley advises the prompt extension to Porto Rico of free trade with the United States. Political without commercial annexation could only be a bitter mockery. Porto Rico ought to have the full benefit of the American market, and needs nothing else to make certain the beginnings of a prosperous development. A revival of agriculture and business will make it comparatively easy to multiply schools and to train the people in the art of local self-government.

A WELCOME IN CUBA FOR GOVERNOR WOOD. (Cuba will have had a Santa Claus this season, sure enough.) From the Tribune (Minneapolis).