free conversation with him on fit characters to officer the quota of Troops from the States of No. Carolina (and Tennessee, if he can aid in it,) to inform you of the result without delay.' I hardly think it will be in my power to attend at Trenton or Philadelphia at the time alloted to the Majr.-Generals; 1st, because I am yet in a convalescent state, (although perfectly recovered of the fever,) so far at least as to avoid exposure and consequent colds; 2dly, my Secretary, (Mr. Lear,) has had a severe fever, and is now very low, and several others of my family are much indisposed; and, 3dly and principally, because I see no definite ground to proceed upon, if I should go, from anything that has hitherto appeared. Nor is it probable you will have received the President's instructions, and Genr. Knox's answer, in time to serve me with a notice of the results by the 10th of November; I mean, for me to get there, on or about that day. If General Pinckney could be prevailed on to remain with you, & there was a moral certainty of 1 44 My opinion is, that, in making a selection of the field-officers, an entire range of the State should be taken; but, in the company officers, regard should be had to distribution, as well for the purpose of facilitating the Recruiting Service, as for other considerations. And, where officers of celebrity in the revolutionary army can be obtained, who are yet in the prime of life, habituated to no bad courses, and well-disposed, that a preference ought to be given to them. Next to these, gentlemen of character, liberal education, and, as far as the fact can be ascertained from inexperience, men who will face danger in any shape in which it can appear; for, if we have a land war, it will be sharp and severe. I must beg leave to add, that all violent opposers of the Government, and French Partisans, should be avoided, or they will disseminate the poison of their principles in the army, and split what ought to be a band of brothers into parties."― Washington to William R. Davie, 24 October, 1798. meeting Generals Hamilton and Knox, I would, maugre the inconveniences and hazard I might run, attempt to join them, for the valuable purpose of projecting a plan in concert with you and them, which might be ineffectually accomplished at a partial meeting. I shall therefore stand prepared, as well as the situation of things will admit, and wait your full communications on these several points, and govern myself accordingly. REVEREND SIR, TO G. W. SNYDER.1 MOUNT VERNON, 24 October, 1798. I have your favor of the 17th instant before me, and my only motive to trouble you with the receipt of this letter is, to explain and correct a mistake, which I perceive the hurry in which I am obliged often to write letters have led you into. It was not my intention to doubt, that the doctrines of the Illuminati and principles of Jacobinism had not spread in the United States. On the contrary, no one is more fully satisfied of this fact than I am. The idea that I meant to convey was, that I did not believe that the lodges of freemasons in this country had, as societies, endeavored to propagate the diabolical tenets of the former, or pernicious principles of the latter (if they are susceptible of separation). That individuals of them may have 1 A Maryland clergyman who feared lest the Masonic lodges in the United States might be infected with the views of the Illuminati. done it, or that the founder, or instrument employed to found the Democratic Societies in the United States, may have had these objects, and actually had a separation of the people from their government in view, is too evident to be questioned. My occupations are such, that little leisure is allowed me to read newspapers or books of any kind. The reading of letters and preparing answers absorb much of my time. With respect, I remain, Sir, &c. TO TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF WAR. DEAR SIR, I have been duly favored with your letters of the 15th & 20th Instant, and received great satisfaction from the communications in both. That General Pinckney not only accepts his appointment in the Army of the United States, but accompanies the acceptance with declarations so open and candid, as those made to General Hamilton, affords me sincere pleasure. It augers well of the aid that may be expected from his services. I should suppose that a correspondence between the Department of State, and the Governors of Individual States, would be attended with salutary consequences, whilst no evil that I can perceive, would flow from it. By such communications as would be proper to make to them, the well disposed part would be possessed of useful information, and those of a contrary description would in many cases be bereft of a plea which they often make-the want of it.— To enable you to do this, and to exe[cute] with ease the other important duties of your office you ought, certainly, to be allowed all the aid that is necessary. If Mr. Gerry has it in his power to dispel the cloud that hovers over him, I wish on account of this country; for his own sake;—and as the only attonement he can make to his Colleagues for his separate transactions, and secret conduct with the French Minister, that he would come forward with an open and manly representation of all the circumstances that occurred, and governed in that business.— Though nothing can excuse his secret negociations— a measure of this sort is the only one I can see, that can irradicate unfavorable suspicions.-I fear however, that vanity, which may have led him into the mistake, and consciousness of being duped by the Diplomatic skill of our good and magnanimous Allies are too powerful for a weak mind to overcome. With very great esteem and regard I am, &c. DEAR SIR, TO ALEXANDER SPOTSWOOD. PHILADELPHIA, 22 November, 1798. Your letter of the 13th enclosing a publication under the signature of GRACCHUS, on the alien and sedition laws, found me at this place deeply engaged in business. You ask my opinion of these laws, professing to place confidence in my judgment. For the compli ment of which I thank you. But to give opinions unsupported by reasons might appear dogmatical, especially as you have declared that GRACCHUS has produced "thorough conviction in your mind of the unconstitutionality and inexpediency of the acts above mentioned." To go into an explanation on these points I have neither leisure nor inclination, because it would occupy more time than I have to spare. But I will take the liberty of advising such as are not "thoroughly convinced," and whose minds are yet open to conviction, to read the pieces and hear the arguments, which have been adduced in favor of as well as those against, the constitutionality and expediency of those laws, before they decide; and consider to what lengths a certain description of men in our country have already driven, and seem resolved further to drive matters, and then ask themselves if it is not time and expedient, to resort to protecting laws against aliens (for citizens you certainly know are not affected by that law), who acknowledge no allegiance to this country, and in many instances are sent among us (as there is the best circumstantial evidence to prove) for the express purpose of poisoning the minds of our people, and to sow dissensions among them, in order to alienate their affections from the government of their choice, thereby endeavoring to dissolve the Union, and of course the fair and happy prospects, which were unfolding to our view from the revolution. But, as I have observed before, I have no time to enter the field of politics; and therefore shall only |