TO JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. DEAR SIR, MOUNT VERNON, 17 June, 1798. I have heard with much pleasure, that you contemplate a visit to the city designated for the permanent seat of government of the United States, in the course of the summer or early in autumn. It is unnecessary, I hope, for me in that event to express the satisfaction it would give Mrs. Washington and me to see Mrs. Adams, yourself, and company in the shade of our vine and fig-tree; but I shall request, that, while you remain in these parts, you will make Mount Vernon your head-quarters. It is but about seventeen miles by land, and less by water, from the Federal City; and only half that distance from Alexandria, which is on the direct route between them. I pray you to believe, that no one has read the various approbatory addresses, which have been presented to you, with more heartfelt satisfaction than I have done; nor are there any, who more sincerely wish that your administration of the government may be easy, happy, and honorable to yourself, and prosperous for the country. Present, if you please, the best respects of Mrs. Washington, Miss Custis, and myself to Mrs. Adams. and Miss Smith. Accept them yourself, and be assured of the high esteem and regard, with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, &c. TO JAMES LLOYD. MOUNT VERNON, 25 June, 1798. DEAR SIR, Your favor of the 25th. ulto. has been duly received, and I feel much obliged by your polite attentions to me. I rejoice to hear of General Marshall's arrival, and wish sincerely he had been accompanied by his colleagues, for I believe no country will afford them better protection than their own. The stay of one of them has a mysterious appearance, after having jointly declared "that no one of them is authorized to take upon himself a negotiation evidently entrusted by the letter of the powers and instructions to the whole," and that too after the invidious distinction was made by the minister of foreign relations, which ought in my opinion to have filled him with resentment instead of complaisance. I wonder the French Government has not more pride than to expose to the world such flimsy performances as the ministers of it exhibit by way of complaint and argument. But it is still more to be wondered at, that these charges, which have been refuted over and over again, should find men * * *1 SIR, TO JAMES LLOYD. MOUNT VERNON, 27 June, 1798. Accept my thanks for your favor of the 21st Inst and its inclosure. When the whole correspondence between our envoys and the French Minister of 1 Incomplete. Foreign Relations and his agents is brought into one view, and laid before the public, it will be extremely interesting; and must, I conceive, carry conviction to every mind that is open to it, of what the French now are, and have been aiming at from the beginning of their Revolution-or from an early period of it at least; and will at the same time show them in what manner they have been imposed upon by those whose objects were not to be promoted by truth or a clear understanding of matters. Gen'l Marshall is so capable of making accurate observations, that I am persuade his information may be relied on with certainty. With great esteem, &c. TO JOHN ADAMS, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. DEAR SIR, MOUNT VERNON, 4 July, 1798. Not being in the habit, since my return to private life, of sending regularly to the post-office, (nine miles from hence,) every post-day, it often happens that letters addressed to me lye longer there on that account, than they otherwise would do. I have delayed no time unnecessarily since I had the honor of receiving your very obliging favor of the 22d ultimo, to thank you for the polite and flattering sentiments you have been pleased to express relatively to me, and to assure you, that, as far as it is in my power to support your administration, and to render it easy, happy, and honorable, you may command me without reserve.1 At the epoch of my retirement, an Invasion of these States by any European Power, or even the probability of such an event happening in my days, was so far from being contemplated by me, that I had no conception that that or any other occurrence would arise in so short a period, which could turn my eyes from the shades of Mount Vernon. But this seems to be the age of wonders; and reserved for intoxicated and lawless France (for purposes of Providence far beyond the reach of human ken) to slaughter its own citizens, and to disturb the repose of all the world besides. From a view of the past, from the prospect present-and of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to act. In case of actual Invasion by a formidable force, I certainly should not Intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my Coun 1 On the 28th of May a law was passed by Congress, authorizing the President, "in the event of a declaration of war against the United States, or of actual invasion of their territory by a foreign power, or of imminent danger of such invasion discovered in his opinion to exist, before the next session of Congress, to cause to be enlisted, and to call into actual service, a number of troops not exceeding ten thousand non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates, to be enlisted for a term not exceeding three years." Authority was also given to the President to organize the army, with a suitable number of major-generals and other officers, into corps of artillery, cavalry, and infantry; and, in short, to make every arrangement for preparing the forces for actual service. This was called a Provisional Army. The measure was adopted in consequence of the threatening aspect of affairs between France and the United States. The causes and particulars are briefly stated in MARSHALL'S Life of Washington, vol. v., pp. 735-746. try to assist in repelling it. And if there be good cause, which must be better known to the Government than to private citizens, to expect such an event, delay in preparing for it might be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence. The uncertainty, however, of the latter, in my mind, creates my embarrassment; for I cannot fairly bring it to believe, disregardful as the French are of treaties and of the laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to be of any species of Despotism and Injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country, after such a uniform and unequivocal expression of the sense of the People in all parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes. That they have been led to believe, by their agents and Partisans amongst us, that we are a divided people, that the latter are opposed to their own Government, and that a show of a small force would occasion a revolt, I have no doubt; and how far these men, (grown desperate,) will further attempt to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the deception, is problematical. Without this, the folly of the Directory in such an attempt would, I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than their wickedness. Having with candor made this disclosure of the state of my mind, it remains only that I should add, that to those who know me best it is best known, that, if imperious circumstances should induce me to renounce the smooth paths of Retirement for the thorny ways of Public life, at a period too when repose is most congenial to nature, and a calm indis |