"I did not work for the government but I went around in the interior fixing old automobiles. motors. anything which anyone had. The small farmers. who no longer own their land and must give all their production to the government, were my best customers. You know how it is.

"I always refused any money because money is of no use in Cuba. There is nothing to buy. I fixed this or that apparatus and I said I would take two chickens or half a dozen eggs or any vegetables which the farmer had."

"If anyone had a khaki shirt and pants or a pair of shoes he could get a pig in exchange." he said. "There are no clothes to buy."

Prior to the Castro regime Cuban labor legislation was one of the most modern in the world. Under the 1940 constitution and later legislation labor had achieved benefits on every level.

Labor had an eight hour day with double pay for overtime. In some enterprises the working hours were six daily with eight hours pay. Employees in banks, drugstores, wholesale food companies and jewelers had a 40 hour week Workers in telephone companies. newspapers and some breweries worked 36 hours weekly. Employees of various railroads worked only 30 hours. In each of these the workers received pay for 48 hours weekly.

In comparing the Cuban work week with other countries in 1958-prior to the Castro regime-Cuba ranked ahead of such countries as West Germany. Ireland, Great Britain, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Japan.

The Cuban worker was-prior to the Castro regime-protected in case of illness, accident, disability and he had retirement benefits and pensions.

Vacations, fixed by law, were one month for every eleven months of work.

Labor had long been organized throughout Cuba, from cane cutters to bank employees. The central organization was the Confederation of Cuban Workers. The organization was horizontal, that is, all tobacco workers, transportation workers, sugarmill workers, commercial workers were organized in unions, grouped under a Federation. The Federation represented them in the Confederation.

Prior to the Castro regime the Confederation wielded tremendous power. Even Batista did not oppose the Confederation.

Fidel Castro destroyed the power of

labor within a few weeks after he took over Cuba. He reduced the Coníederation to a puppet by putting dedicated Communist followers in all official positions.

Today the Cuban worker has lost every benefit which he acquired over the long years. Working hours have been extended to 10 or 12 without overtime pay. All workers are members of the militia and required to do long hours of guard duty after the day's work. They are forced to attend Communist indoctrination meetings and do "volunteer" work.

Castro has set production quotas for industrial workers and if they cannot meet these they are penalized and often imprisoned or sent to forced labor

camps.

Castro has abolished most of the holidays, including all church holidays. On the Day of National Revolution (July 26) workers are given three days holiday but told they must make up all the time on Sundays and with extra working hours.

Vacations are no longer given in any class of work. A few workers who are chosen by the government are given two weeks at such vacation resorts as the once famous Varadero Beach. But it depends more on their Communist enthusiasm than on any work superiority.

Wages are today of little importance in Cuba. The State is the sole employer and sets the wages. Food, clothing and almost all consumer goods must be purchased by presentation of a ration card. And, usually, Cuban exiles unanimously state, the stores do not have even the small allowed amounts of rice, beans, and lard. The meat ration can rarely be found: fruit and vegetables are not available. Refined white sugar has not been on the Cuban market for over a year; the shopper gets only the crude brown type.

Despite the fact that the Communist Fidel Castro regime has brought the small island of Cuba-one of the most prosperous countries of Latin America prior to his seizure-bankruptcy and its people to starvation, the Communists in Latin America and the leftists and Communists in the United States are

clamoring for acceptance of Cuba

back into the OAS.

The strength of the Communists is growing rapidly in the countries south of the Rio Grande. The majority now have established diplomatic and commercial relations with the Soviet Union and its satellites.

Mexico has never broken relations with Cuba despite the OAS resolution which asked all its members to do so. Jamaica, a new member, maintains relations with Cuba and little TrinidadTobago has expressed the desire to trade with Castro.

Chile. Uraguay and Ecuador, which broke relations under the OAS resolution with great reluctance, are now advocating that Cuba be brought back into the OAS. Chile and Ecuador have sent trade missions to see Castro. Uru guay, the famed tiny democracy of South America, which also was reluctant to break relations with Cuba, is now fighting to prevent a Communist takeover. The Soviet Embassy in Montevideo, the capital, has long been known as the center of subversion and propaganda for ail of southern South America.

Chile, with the most powerful Communist party in Latin America, will undoubtedly elect a pro-Communist or Communist government this year.

Venezuela and Bolivia, which continue to fight Communist guerrillas in their mountains and terrorists in their cities, now have relations with the Soviet Union and its satellites, as do Brazil and Argentina, both under rule of the military.

With the strong Communist influence bearing on the governments of Latin America, none of them will participate in any action against Fidel Castro. They are trying to appease the Communists just as the United States is doing.

United States influence and prestige in Latin America is at the lowest level in history. These countries are convinced the big powerful United States fears the Communists and is not as strong militarily as the Soviet Union. The failure of the U.S. to win against little North Vietnam has greatly influenced this conclusion.

The case of Cuba may be the deciding factor in whether or not the United States will lose all influence in Latin America, influence which is so necessary to this nation for trade and defense.

It will be interesting to see if the United States will succumb to the desires of the Latin American members of the OAS and to its own leftists and Communists to bring Cuba back into the organization and resume relations with that small Caribbean island. If so, it may well be that within a short time the United States will awaken to find only enemies at its back door.