shown how vain and illusory were the hopes of some silly individuals who relied for the success of their criminal enterprises upon foreign intervention. "The Cortes have seen themselves forced, by the obstinacy of a few factious persons, to adopt laws calculated to give your majesty's government the means of repressing their audacity, and of securing the public tranquillity. But if the justifiable anxiety that this chastisement should be accomplished by legal means, and not by popular effervescence, has placed the Cortes under the painful necessity of adopting measures of severity, they, at the same time, manifested their readiness to comply with your majesty's bene ficent intentions, by prescribing regulations rendering the execution of those measures less rigorous, and by proclaiming amnesties in favour of individuals, who, by a prompt and sincere repentance, might prove that it was error, and not studied criminality, which had drawn them under the colours of the enemies of the constitutional system and of your majesty's throne. "The Cortes, in thus combining severity with clemency, conceived that these two legislative attributes should never be so prominently manifested as at the period when, by the effect of reforms dictated by justice and the public interest, a multitude of passions-some engendered by ignorance or misguided opinion, others springing from the perverseness of the human heart have burst forth in a manner equally criminal. A time will come when these persons, better advised, will detest the unjust cause which they embraced in a moment of delirium, and in imitation of others who will ever be stigmatised as the disgrace of a free and civilized community. "But if the consolidation of the constitutional system, and the concoction of the laws necessary to restrain the audacity of its enemies, have principally fixed the attention of the Cortes, they have occupied themselves, with the same ardour, with all the other objects which belong to the public administration. The formation of the codes of our jurisprudence, that of an economical system, the organization of the clergy and militia, the establishment of a wise and uniform system of public instruction, the diminution of the tithes, and other burdens falling exclusively upon agriculture, the encouragement of our nascent industry, the prompt extinction of the national debt, the examination of the general budgets of the national income and expenditure, and finally, the organization of all the branches constituting the political machine of the state, have constantly occupied the attention of the Cortes, and excited among them the noble ambition of leaving behind them, as the aggregate of their labours, a great and useful monument, worthy of the lights of the age, and of the wants of nations. "In the midst of objects so important, the Cortes, whose session is limited by the constitution, beheld, though your majesty's fore sight had prolonged the term, their labours about to terminate without the complete accomplishment of their purpose. They were leaving unattained several important objects recommended to their care. They were leaving the vessel of the state tossed between the hope of seeing her future destiny secured, and the fear of seeing new pilots make her take an opposite direction. "Your majesty, participating in these fears, has thought proper to announce to us the convocation of the extraordinary Cortes; and thus manifesting your ardent wish to see all the parts of the constitutional system consolidated, your majesty acquires fresh claims to the gratitude of the nation, and the veneration of all your subjects. "Thanks be unto you, sire, for this resolution, by which, identifying your wishes with those of your people, your majesty shows how much you merit that glorious name, which not vile flattery, but the national gratitude has engraven upon your throne. The Cortes rejoice with your majesty in a measure, the mere announce ment of which restores tranquillity to those who feel an interest in the glory of the country, and in the establishment of those laws which will at once secure her future prosperity, and impose silence on the enemies of our constitution, among whom there can LETTER of GENERAL MORILLO, at MADRID, on the Night "It is painful for a citizen who fulfils his duties, and for a military man, full of honour, who has often faced death in the field of battle, to appear criminal in the eyes of the public, and to see his opinion attacked in the most cruel and afflicting manner. In listening to the clamours of an infuriated populace, and the threats of blood and proscription of which I have been the object be none but those who are the enemies of your majesty's person and throne. "In the confidence that your majesty's government will continue to give unequivocal proofs of energy and zeal, in the punctual observance and maintenance of the constitutional system, and in the execution of the decrees of the legislature, the deputies of the nation enjoy by anticipation the flattering prospect of the be nefits which must result therefrom. When your majesty's voice shall anew assemble them in this august edifice, they will meet with the same zeal to devote themselves to the discussion of such affairs as your majesty, in the exercise of your constitutional prerogative, may think proper to submit to them; and when the term of their powers shall have expired, they will return to their respective homes, where they will ever approve themselves models of attachment and respect towards the august person and family of your majesty, as they have been models of firmness and constancy in defence of the liberties of the nation and the prerogatives of your majesty's throne." in justification of his Conduct of the 20th August, 1821. within these three days, it would appear either that great crimes have stained the memory of ge neral Morillo, or that the authors of these infamous reports have forgotten the principles of justice which distinguish the Spanish people. "In the night of the 20th instant, I received several reports from an officer stationed at one of the posts of this capital, who sent me notice, that his guard was surrounded and insulted by a number of ferocious men, who had already thrown stones, and in many other ways outraged the national arms, which I am proud of having the honour of commanding at this critical period. "He who does not know the deep impression which such reports make upon a chief, the im portance which a military man gives to every thing which can hurt or outrage the arms which his country has intrusted to his charge, and the effervescence which agitates all minds in these important movements (and mine in particular, who thought that I perceived the public safety compromised and in danger), he alone will be able to cast reproach upon my conduct for the recent transactions, and it is only on that day that he can represent it as horrible,' &c. &c. I shall not descend to minute details; it is sufficient for me to say, amid the grief with which I am afflict ed, that in many facts I have been calumniated. I injured no one, and I suffered no one to be ill treated. I bore much abuse; and if I had been such as wickedness and bad faith have represented me, horrors of another kind would have signalized that night already too calamitous. "The man who, at the head of the military force of this province, has always conducted himself as a citizen-he who, in all his ac tions, has breathed only a love for the liberty which we enjoy he who, in the exigencies of authority cannot be reproached with committing the least violence he who constantly has watched night and day over the public tranquillity-such a man, I say, ought not to be pourtrayed under such horrible colours, nor see himself condemned without being heard. "Public men, who proceed in the path of duty, have in all cases a claim upon public consideration and respect; and in seeing myself placed on a level with those traitors who endeavour to overthrow the edifice of their country's freedom, I have a right to complain and to appeal to an impartial and sensible public against such injustice. "My public life has been stained with no crime; my heart is pure and ardent for liberty; I have conducted myself at the head of the military command of New Castile with the same frankness and good faith with which I commanded the brave men whom I have so often led to battle. I appeal for the evidence of this to the whole nation. I pray, then, the men of elevated sentiments to enter for a moment into the situation of one so conscious of his own integrity. I ask the nation if men who have served it since they first drew breath ought to be judged with such intemperance regarding an incident so misrepresented. "I shall content myself, there fore, for the present, with de claring to the public, in the most solemn manner, that injustice may afflict, but it will not humi liate General Morillo. "I assure them at the same time, that I will accept of no command till this affair has been brought to a trial,-until my conduct on the present occasion has been represented under its true colours. (Signed) PABLO MORILLO, "Madrid, Aug. 24." REPRESENTATION of the MEMBERS of a PATRIOTIC CLUB in the City of VALLADOLID, and of other Citizens, to the KING of SPAIN. "Sire; The undersigned citi zens think that the time is arrived in which their sacred duty of looking not less to the safety of the state than to that of your majesty, authorizes them to speak a lauguage which, far from being deficient in respect, is the sincere expression of the most ardent patriotism, and the warmest af fection to the person of your Majesty. Individual petitions against a particular abuse of power ought not in the present moment to be the object of the declaration of free citizens to your Majesty. Such declarations have rained like dew upon your palace, but they are either concealed from your view, or receive a sinister interpretation; therefore they produce no other results than such as are contrary to expectation. "The unforeseen fall of General Riego may be considered as the exciting cause; but it is not, in truth, the principal, nor the sole cause of this exposition: his lot, whatever it may be, can never be indifferent to Spaniards who love their country: it is, if we may use the expression, identified with the constitutional system, and the whole nation has fixed its eyes on his prosperous or adverse fortunes. Publicity, Sire, is the soul of representative governments; but although it were not so, neither justice nor policy would advise that the violent measures of government should be covered with the veil of mystery, which, although they affect one individual only at first, may in time compromise, as they really have compromised, the public tranquillity. Let his crimes therefore be declared, if in truth he has been so misled as to make an attempt against his country; and let the sword of the law fall upon his head, exhibiting before the face of neighbouring nations an act of justice which will at once do honour to the Spanish name, and to the sacred code of our liberties. But if, as it is to be hoped, and as it has happened, not for the first time, that he should turn out to be innocent, what inference are we to draw from his dismissal, which, although it is in the power of your Majesty to order, ought not to be effected by mere dislike or caprice? The only inference is, that it has been the work of the same hand from which proceeded the unjust attempts committed daily by those who held the reins of government-that it has coincided with the peculiar tendency and sinister end with which repeated appointments have been made and are making to the first offices, in the persons of men the most unfit for such situations and disaffected to the present order of things-that efforts are made to oppose the spirit of those liberal institutions by which we are governed, in order that under their shade, past evils may be perpetuated. On any other supposition, how can we explain the conduct of the council of state, which, since the persons employed in the administration of justice were suspended by the Cortes, with the intention that, passing through the ordeal of examination, only such should be nominated as are truly worthy of occupying posts so important, has replaced them all indiscriminately, and without consideration of what repeated decrees had provided? This is, Sire, if you will permit the expression, to give the National Congress a slap in the face, and to place yourself in discordance with its deliberations, in order to paralyze the majestic and tranquil progression which we have promised ourselves from a change of government without convulsion. Such may be said of that idea of a republican faction, which has been so often and so vainly declared, and the assertion of which doubtless has no other object than to impose upon the unwary, to intimidate the weak, and to kindle the fire of discord which burns and consumes us. All these, Sire, are direct plots against the constitution-plots and machinations conceived perhaps in the wretched clubs of a foreign policy, and seconded by those who have acquired an ascendancy over the meek and docile heart of your Majesty. Those persons have endeavoured to tear up the constitution from the Spanish soil, but it is firmly rooted in the hearts of more than two millions of Spaniards resolute and decided, and can only be rooted out from Spain along with them. Such measures, Sire, conduct us directly to a revolution which has not yet begun to a revolution horrible to name, the epitome of all the calamities of the human race. Horrible and bloody would it be, since the Liberales of 1821 are not like those of 1814; and what would be its consequences? In a re We tremble when we contemplate them! Revolutions, like tempests, discharge their power preferably upon the most elevated points. What, then, would become of the sacred person of your Majesty? who could answer for it then? It is sacred and inviolable, Sire; but that inviolability is not like that of the Alps and Pyrennees. It can only be effective under the shade of law and order. volution all things are over thrown. In the same revolution died the just Louis XVI., and the monster Robespierre. We must speak plainly, Sire, since, perhaps, this is the only time for doing it. The person of your Majesty is sacred and inviolable, but as long as that great charter which secures you that prerogative is established; as long as Spain contains one enemy of that charter, it behoves you to act as if your inviolability did not exist. By any other conduct your Majesty will at every step be surprised, and exposed to a precipice; and what is worse, perhaps, ignorance and malevolence will attribute to your Majesty the plots of foreigners. Far, Sire, from your petitioners be the idea that your Majesty can be the least involved in these plots; but, Sire, you are the image, and there will not be wanting ignorant men who will impute to you the faults of your priests, as thousands have imputed to our holy religion, the vices of which they themselves were guilty. Preserve, therefore, your precious life. Preserve the vessel of the state which is on the point of foundering. Be a king for once. Place yourself at the head of that great nation, which, loving your Majesty with the greatest affection, deserves in re |