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the successful attack on the Hessians at Trenton, on the morning of the 26th of December, 1776, which masterly movement saved the country. It was one of doubtful issue; and Washington had prepared to return to the interior of Pennsylvania, if unsuccessful. This blow was unexpected to the British; until this moment they considered the country as virtually conquered, and their fighting at an end. The victory of Trenton was followed by that of Princeton, and the hopes of the nation began to revive, although thousands of the Americans were then in prison ships and dungeons, treated with the greatest cruelty, to intimidate them to subjection;—but from their ashes was lighted up the unquenchable fire of indignation and revenge. In the battle of Trenton, Lieutenant Monroe was wounded in the shoulder, fighting gallantly in the van of the army. He was at once promoted to a captaincy. On recovering from his wounds, he was invited to act as aid to Lord Sterling, and served with him two campaigns, in which he saw much service, having been in the bat, tles of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth. Not thinking the staff the proper place for promotion for one who sought glory in arms, he was desirous of obtaining the command of a regiment; for this purpose he repaired to his native state, with strong recommendations from the commander-in-chief, and applied to the legislature for leave to raise a regiment of which he was to have the command. the exhausted state of Virginia, he failed of raising his corps, and did not return to the army, but entered the office of Mr. Jefferson, as a student at law. With Mr. Jefferson, Major Monroe found an extensive library, and in him had a sage adviser. International law was then closely studied; for the young and the

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old made themselves masters of this subject, as well as the rights of men in every civil community, that in every situation they might be able to vindicate the cause they were pursuing. At this time there was no practice at the bar; and of course his time was not frittered away by painful attention to the drudgery of smaller business, so common in offices at the present day.

In 1780, Mr. Jefferson, being governor of Virginia, sent Mr. Monroe as a commissioner to the southern army, under de Kalb, to ascertain its effective force, its wants, and ulterior prospects.

In 1782, Mr. Monroe was elected a member of the legislature of Virginia, and the next year, after serving in the executive council, was sent to the continental congress, when only twenty-four years old. In this body he proved himself a business man; and and for three years labored indefatigably in the arduous duties of this station. While in congress, he saw that the independence of the country was barely achieved, not secured, if the loose way they had of raising a revenue was still continued, for it was quite optional with each state, to what degree and when they would collect their proportions of the means necessary to support the government; and he introduced resolutions to invest congress with the power to regulate trade with all the states, which was probably the germ of our present constitution.

After leaving congress he was again in the legislature of his native state, taking a very active part in the deliberations of that body, which was engaged in a revision of their laws, which required, like those of other commonwealths, a conformity to the state of the times. His good sense was brought to bear on these subjects, as was evinced by the share he took

in the work of enlarging and revising the statutebook. He was in 1788 a member of the convention to decide on the adoption of the constitution of the United States, at that time offered for the consideration of the people. In this convention, Mr. Monroe differed from his colleagues and friends, James Madison, John Marshall, and others, through most of the preliminary steps, and in the final question, was found in the minority in his vote against that instrument, he was so many years called to see carried into exeeution.

From 1790 to 1794, he was a member of the senate of the United States, and was taken from that body to be envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from this country to France. In this office, he was not popular with those in power; they thought him too enthusiastically engaged in the feelings of revolutionary France, to do justice to his own country, and Washington recalled him in 1796. Mr. Monroe on his return to his native country, published a justification of his conduct while abroad; but the pamphlet settled nothing, but justified both parties in the views which they had taken. The general having no more duties for him to perform, at this time, he was elected governor of Virginia, and served the constitutional term of three years, a proof that his native state was with him in sentiment. Mr. Jefferson, after Mr. Adams had retired from office, came into power. He had been a constant, friend to Colonel Monroe, and appointed him, in 1803, envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary to France, to act with Mr. Livingston, the minister resident there. Mr. Livingston had commenced the negotiation for the purchase of Louisiana, and had made no small progress in the business, when his coadjutor arrived in France,

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with full power to join in the important negotiation, The honor of effecting this admirable treaty is claimed by the friends of each, but the following letter from Mr. Livingston will throw much light on the subject, and proves that it was a joint labor.

DEAR SIR,

PARIS, 10th April, 1803.

I congratulate you on your safe arrival. We have long and anxiously wished for you. God grant that your mission may answer yours, and the public expectation. War may do something for us; noth ing else would. I have paved the way for you; and if you could add to my memoirs an assurance that we were now in posssession of New Orleans, we should do well; but I detain Mr. Bentalon, who is impatient to fly to the arms of his wife. I have apprized the minister of your arrival, and told him you would be here on Tuesday or Wednesday. Present my compliments and Mrs. Livingston's to Mrs. Monroe, and believe me, dear sir,

Your friend; and humble servant,
ROBERT R. Livingston.

To his Excellency JAMES MONROE.

The difficulties which Mr. Livingston found in his way, were removed, and the treaty of cession soon after signed. This, by whom originated or by what influence carried into effect, will forever stand in our state papers as one of the most fortunate pieces of diplomacy among the many we owe our sagacious ministers, It saved much ill-will and bloodshed, and was an excellent bargain as a monied speculation. It was, indeed, fortunate for the United States, and vastly more so to Louisiana than for the purchasers. "The

house of representatives of that state expressed, after an experience of more than twenty years, by an unanimous resolution, its veneration for Mr. Monroe, and its gratitude for the part he had taken in the proceedings that united Louisiana to the American confederacy."

After seeing that the great business of the treaty ceding Louisiana to the United States was accomplished, Mr. Monroe went to London as a successor to Mr. King, who had requested to be recalled. From England Mr. Monroe was ordered to Spain, which country he visited by the way of France: the direct road to Spain for a diplomatist, at that time, was through Paris. From Spain Mr. Monroe returned to England, after the death of Mr. Pitt, to negotiate with Mr. Fox, his successor. Some portion of our countrymen conceived it a good opportunity for an adjustment of our difficulties with England; but Mr. Fox died too soon after his predecessor, to give our diplomatist an opportunity to try the temper and disposition of the radical minister of England towards this country. In all probability we should not have gained much from Mr. Fox; for of all ministers we have had to deal with, who have acted as premiers for ages, Mr. Canning, supposed to be the most liberal, was the most bitter and unjust towards this republic. Previous to the death of Mr. Pitt, the American envoys, Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, in connexion with Lords Holland and Auckland, had made a treaty between the two countries, which Mr. Jefferson would not present to the senate of the United States for their consideration and advice, as it contained many objectionable articles.

The attack upon the frigate Chesapeake placed

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