trine the Old World Robbers are, as to the Republics of the New World, prohibited from making war upon them (for particulars see page 140, above). This has preserved them as self-governing nations. Under this system the Competition Between Races is as follows: (3) The Monroe Doctrine. To the extent that immigration has been permitted by the Republics the rights of the immigrants have been protected by their several governments. In this way the Englishman, the German, and the American, with their intelligence and capital have gone into the Republics of Mexico, Central America, and South America, and have helped to develop the country, at the same time the laws of each country into d. SUMMARY: which they have gone are made by the people residing within such territory. This has insured that the laws have been in the interest of the dominant power in each republic, and IT HAS GIVEN THE IMMIGRANTS FROM THE UNITED AT THE EXPENSE OF THEIR OWN FLESH AND For this reason, the thirteen colonies put forth the Declaration of Independence, and left the mother country. HOME RULE IS BEST. The principle of social progress, then, which we discover upon an examination of history, is that the greatest progress in civilization is where a people have home rule instead of government by a people residing in another country. In other words, the government of weaker nations by the stronger is detrimental to the people who are held as subjects. Wherever one people have been governed by another people residing in a different country it has been bad for the people thus governed. The loss of home rule has been bad for the people of Ireland, Poland, and Finland, while home rule has been beneficial to the people of Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, and has also been beneficial to the Republics of the New World. e. CONTRA: THE MCKINLEY REPUBLICAN DOCTRINE. The opposite theory is, that for the weaker countries the loss of independence (loss of home rule) is better for social progress. In the words of the McKinley Campaign Text Book: "Colonization or control [government by force] of a comparatively unorganized and badly governed country by an experienced and intelligent country and government, RESULTS ADVANTAGEOUSLY TO THE PEOPLE SO GOVERNED." (Page 134.) This advocacy of government by f. BLAINE'S ATTITUDE: SPIRIT "The delegates can show to the world an honorable, peaceful conference of eighteen independent American powers, force is by the men who have gained control of the organization that bears the name Republican, but this new doctrine is the exact opposite of that for which the Republican party has heretofore stood. For example, under Benjamin Harrison's Administration, Secretary of State Blaine was instrumental in bringing together representatives of all the American Republics. In delivering the address of welcome he said, among other things: OF CONQUEST NOT TOLERATED. *** A .conference which will tolerate no spirit of conquest, but will aim to cultivate an American sympathy as broad as both continents. *** It will be a great gain when we shall acquire that common confidence on which all international friendship must rest." Later, Mr. Blaine was President of g. PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESS: This was unanimously adopted. Previous to this the United States presented the statement that: "In the opinion of this conference, wars waged in the spirit of aggression or for the purpose of conquest should receive the condemnation of the civilized world." But today how hath the leadership of the Republican party changed! Hanna, McKinley and the trusts are advocating the principles of conquest-holding of subjects-government by force. Their campaign book for the instruction of their speakers declares that "Colonization or control [government by force] of a comparatively unorgan- the Conference, and on the floor brought in a resolution which declared: "Resolved, That the principle of conquest shall not, during the treaty of arbitration, be recognized as admissible under American public law." "CONQUEST NOT ADMISSIBLE." Lin Compare this doctrine with Lincoln's declarations and with the Republican platforms of 1860 and 1856, which marked the inauguration of the party in national affairs. In these platforms the basic principle set forth is, that government by force is tyranny. coln stood for this principle, declaring that "No man is good enough to govern another," and "those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves, and under a just God cannot long retain it." At Gettysburg, over the graves of the soldiers who had given their lives for human liberty, hear him say: "It is for us, the living, to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; THAT THIS NATION, UNDER GOD, SHALL HAVE A NEW BIRTH OF FREEDOM, AND THAT GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE, BY THE PEOPLE, AND FOR THE PEOPLE SHALL NOT PERISH FROM THE EARTH." 5. The Holding of Subjects is Not Profitable. The qualities which have spread civilization in foreign lands and secured wealth to the advanced people have been intelligence, energy and sympathy for fellow-men-love of justice. Our trade with the countries of Central and South America has been extended through the justice of the Monroe Doctrine-i. e., the protection of the weak by the strong-by the fair dealings of our nation in other ways, and by the intelligence, energy and sympathy of our people. And the countries of Europe, in so far as they have adopted the same policy, have profited tremendously. A protectorate in the Malay States has demonstrated that this system is far more profitable to the people of England than is the one of holding subjects, which has always instituted an inferior order of progress. In contradistinction to the people of India under British rule, the Japanese, under home rule, are adopting civilizing influences with astonishing rapidity, while attaining many higher qualities not possessed by other peoples. All this is benefiting the entire human race. For the strong people to blot out the expression of the Japanese through their law-making body would be for the strong to rob the world of high qualities, some of which we shall assimilate. Perfection is many-sided, and therefore needs the example of all the higher races under the varied conditions of soil and climate. Such are the principles which history demonstrates. Many facts which prove this are before our eyes. For example, our trade with the Philippine Islands has been much less during the past year than it would have been had we assisted them to an independent government. Then they would have been partial to us instead of bitterly hostile, and they would have been much more able to buy had we not kept them under arms, thus preventing their raising crops whereby to make purchases. Furthermore, our expenditures for conquest are not compensated, except in the granting of monopoly privileges, for the tariff is such that England, Spain and other nations TRADE ON AN EQUAL FOOTING WITH US. WE HAVE SIMPLY DESTROYED THE RESOURCES OF THE COUNTRY AND GAINED THE ENMITY OF THE PEOPLE. See also note at page 161, below. Further proof that the holding of the Philippines is unprofitable to us is the cost in American lives, suffering and taxation, not to speak of the diverting of public attention from domestic problems, which is one of the things the Administration is aiming at. It is trying to keep the people from legislating against the trusts. Still further proofs in the preceding chapters demonstrate that from a commercial standpoint the holding of subjects is not profitable. Right here, it is well to observe that the universe is so constituted that whatever is morally right for a nation will result in the highest degree of commercial prosperity. This does not necessarily mean that "the highest degree of commercial prosperity" is an unusually large amount of stored-up wealth, for unless the national product be equitably distributed it is a curse instead of a blessing. 6. The Machinery of Government Must be Changed From That of a Republic. From the foregoing it is shown that the holding of subjects is a nullification of equal rights in the sovereign power, and, furthermore, that it is not profitable as a commercial venture. We next point out that the governmental machinery of a republic is not suited to the holding of a people by force, and therefore that the form must be changed when the object of the government changes. This is recognized by everyone who has made a study of legislation and administration of law for distant subjects, including the retention of power over them. Whitelaw Reid's Opinion. new territories, and will hold and govern them. A republic such as the United States, has hitherto not been well adapted to that sort of work. Congress is apt to be slow, if not also changeable; and under the Constitution the method of government for territories must be prescribed by Congress. *** No doubt executive action, in advance of Congress, might be satisfactory; but а President is apt to wait for Congress unless driven by irresistible necessities. He can only take the initiative through some form of military government. For this the War Department is not well organized. Possibly the easiest solution for the moment would be in the organization of another department for war and government beyond the seas, or the development of a measurably independent bureau for such work in the present department. Whatever is done, it would be unreasonable to expect unbroken success, or exemption from a learner's mistakes and discouragements." Army and Navy Journal, A similiar spirit of dissatisfaction with our methods and system of ad "One million two hundred thousand dollars spent in London is the price of administrative order over a colonial rule whose total budgets aggregate $1,724,354,896, or 50 per cent more than our total of federal, state, county and village expenditure for every possible purpose, for which taxes are levied. In contrast to the results of this system of executive administration, the fact is cited that the American Congress has 2pent an entire winter wrestling with the tariff, the taxation, the administration and the personal rights of two little islands. The English executive IS AN IMPERIAL EXECUTIVE. The British Parliament is an English legislature. TO THE SAME SYSTEM WE ARE COMING BY THE DECREE OF CIRCUMSTANCES AS INEVITABLE AS THAT OF FATE. If this be imperialism, make the most of it. So far as citizenship is concerned, the British Empire is one, but BEYOND THE LIMITS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM THE CITIZEN LIVES UNDER A RULE ESSENTIALLY MONARCHIAL AND NOT RESTRICTED BY THE CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITATIONS OF THE PARLIAMENT SYSTEM. The foregoing statement that we have been coming to this English system of "Imperial Executive," is all too true. The following are some of the facts: Imperial Executive. From the time the first shots were exchanged between our troops and the Filipinos the entire conduct of the war, and the government of the ten million people, eight thousand miles from Washington, have been entirely in the hands of President McKinley. This is certainly an Imperial Executive. A like amount of power in the hands of a President of the United States was unknown until the government entered upon its era of conquering foreign peoples. In Porto Rico, where war has not existed, the conditions are equally bad. The entire control of local affairs is taken from the people and put into the hands of men appointed by the President of the United States. His appointments must be confirmed by the Senate, but that is a mere formality. In the Sulu Islands the President, without the concurrence of the Senate, has entered into an agreement with a king and princes whereby the flag floats over them, and they are protected by our navy. Furthermore, chattel slavery and polygamy exist in these islands. Not only this, but the administration adopted is patterned exactly after the British colonial system. Here is a sample of it: Sulu, at Jolo, this 20th day of August, A. D. 1899 (13th Arakuil Akil, 1317). THE SULTAN SULU. DATO RAJAH MUDA. DATO ATTIK. DATO CALBE. DATO JOAKANAIN. Signed: J. C. BATES, Brigadier-General, U. S. V. No Constitutional Limitations—and the Trusts Are in Power. In none of the Administration's "possessions" are there any constitutional limitations. And the sovereign power is in the Administration-the people of these "possessions" are subjects without a vestige of limitation upon the power of their owners, except that the treaty with Spain declares they shall have religious liberty. But if it were possible for the trusts to make any money by a breach of this agreement they would not hesitate. They are the most heartless masters that the world has ever seen. A one-man power feels the responsibilities-he has a conscience-but private monopoly corporations are the most heartless taskmasters in the world. It is they who have dictated the Porto Rican tariff in order to establish the principle. They also dictated the sections of the law whereby all the monopolies in Porto Rico, even to that of water supply, are in the hands of the trusts, as is also the education of the children. Verily, the height of Mammonism has been reached! "Treason"-"Encouragement to Enemies." The tremendous power of the Government over its subjects in Porto Rico and the Philippines has interfered most seriously with the fundamental doctrines of self-government at home. Some of these evils are pointed out in the preceding section. An evil not yet mentioned, however, is the claim of the Administration that those who advocate the cessation of conquest-the granting of independence to the Filipinos-ARE GUILTY OF TREASON TO THE GOVERNMENT, AND GIVE ENCOURAGEMENT TO THE SUB JECTS WHO ARE IN REBELLION. We reply, that this is one of the demonstrations that a government under "majority rule" is not fitted to hold subjects. If the United States continues along the line of foreign conquest there will be stronger and still stronger pressure applied against those who dispute the Government's policy of holding nations by force. Lincoln epitomized all this when he said: 7. Lincoln's Statement of the Moral Law. "Our reliance (in the campaign for the doctrine of self-government) is in the love of liberty which God has planted in us; our defense is in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men; in all lands, everywhere. THOSE WHO DENY FREEDOM TO OTHERS DESERVE IT NOT FOR THEMSELVES, AND UNDER A JUST GOD CANNOT LONG RETAIN IT." The penalty for our war of conquest against Mexico was the Civil War; what it will be for our conquest of the Philippines time only can tell. It may be light, if our people vote for the Republic and thereby restore to the people of the Philippines that which the Administration is keeping from them, to wit, the right to make their own laws. But if our people vote to go forward on the path of empire it means that the private monopolies will be continued, and the few who thus control our industries will continue to control the government, except that the number in control will become smaller and smaller. Under such a system the standing army must be constantly enlarged, both for use at home and conquest abroad, and for "standing-off" the other great robber nations. If we are to change our course and travel this road, it means that the tendency to militarism which has ex |