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the Republic, promising independence to the people of the Philippines (resolution set forth at page 135, above), but it was defeated by the Administration. Not only did McKinley oppose it, but Hanna, Platt and other employes of the trusts and monopolists voted against this promise of future independence to 10,000,000 people-voted in favor of continuing to hold them as subjects; just as in this campaign they are trying to continue the existence of the trusts and thus hold the American people as subjects along with their other subjects in Porto Rico and the Philippines.

Since the defeat of this promise of independence, more than eighteen months have elapsed, and the war in the Philippines has been continued. McKinley could have stopped it any day by declaring that he desired the independence of the Filipinos. Independence is what they are fighting for and, of course, the promise of it, accompanied by reasonable terms, would have ended the war. But this promise has been denied them. Evidence that this is so is the continuance of the war and the statements of McKinley and coworkers at pages 137 to 146, above.

h. THE PRESENT NUMBER OF MCKINLEY'S OFFICIAL MURDERS.

As a result of McKinley's refusal to promise independence, thousands of our countrymen have been killed and wounded or have died of disease.

All of this is directly chargeable to McKinley's determination to hold the Filipino people as subjects and his continued refusal to grant their just requests for independence. The Senators who voted for this war of subjugation in defiance of the provisions of the Constitution for a republican form of government are also responsible for the deaths. They are murderers. That this is the exact word to be used is demon

strated by an examination of the meaning of this term.

"Murder" is the unnecessary or unjust taking of human life. It is murder for one human being to kill another, except in self-defense. And the unjust and unnecessary life-taking character of a war of conquest by the elected representatives of the people is beyond question.

This is but preliminary to a statement of the question at issue on election day. It is this:

THE QUESTION AT ISSUE; MURDER OR PATRIOTISM.

Every man who votes for a continuance of the policy of conquest will be responsible for every life taken in the furtherance of such policy. In other words, for every life taken in the wars of conquest that may result, he becomes a co-murderer.

If the policy of conquest receives enough votes to continue the Administration in power, or if there is a semblance of enough votes and the millions of dollars subscribed by the trusts can count in their candidates, the United States will continue its career of conquest, and to an extent which no man can foretell. Not only will more lives be sacrificed in the Philippines, but other wars must result, with attendant loss of life and misery, degradation and inhumanity defying the power of words.

In the Philippines alone, under a continuation of this government of force, the outlook is appalling. The following statement is by Major Richard W. Young, a graduate of West Point, member of Gen. Hancock's staff at Governor's Island, N. Y., in the early '80s, a judge in the Manila Supreme Court and Ichief of the Criminal Division, which is composed of five judges. In a letter written since last March to a friend in the United States, who afterward obtained permission to print it, he says:

3. Military Situation in Philippines if Government by Force is Continued.

"The war is not over, by any means. The end is not in sight. Military men seem to expect it to last for months, or even years. The spirit of insurrection is not tamed; the natives die with a stoicism worthy the highest admiration. We have few real friends among them and those few run the risk of speedy assassination in making manifest their friendship. The present policy of Aguinaldo is Fabian; he risks no engagements, but is constantly alert in attack-. ing our weak garrisons and waylaying our struggling troops. He boloes our outposts and falls with a bloody hand on the hapless town that has welcomed the American troops when abandoned by the latter. His troops find a sufficient sustenance in fruits and rice; they require but a few yards of cotton cloth as clothing, take to a tropical sun like ducks to water, and expect no pay.

"Our officers and men are killed nearly every day, while a considerable number are constantly falling victims to the sun. A few days since I went out to Las Banos, on the Laguna, where Captain Hilton, formerly of the Colorados, and Andy Burt are stationed with their companies. The captains were both 'under the weather,' and each had over fifty men out of ninety in sick report. This is exceptional, but as a general rule the men can not do much campaigning in this climate and retain their strength.

"The present volunteer regiments must be mustered out in one year, and it is already a serious question how they are to be replaced. The number of troops can not be reduced, in fact double or treble the number seems necessary in order to bring a speedy order out of this chaos. But, when apparent peace has been brought about, how long will it continue? THEIR IDEALS OF INDEPENDENCE WILL REMAIN UNREALIZED. The bitterness of a two or three years' campaign, with its horrors, its burning of churches and homes and its death of tens of thousands of their fellow countrymen, will be perpetuated in the wailings of the widow, the fatherless and the desolate. REVOLUTION, TOO, HAS BECOME A HABIT AMONG THESE PEOPLE.

"For the life of me, am unable to see what the commission can do except to take large masses of conjectural testimony. Neither they nor their agents can poke their noses beyond our

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lines without danger of getting a Mauser in the nostril. CIVIL GOVERN MENTS WILL BE IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT GARRISONS AND WOULD REQUIRE 200,000 MEN TO GARRISON THE IMMENSE GROUP OF ISLANDS."

Since the above was written by Judge Young, of Manila, the Philippine Commission has reported that the natives are becoming content with the government provided by the United States. A dispatch of September 19, passed by the censor at Manila, states that a body of 1,000 insurgents, armed with rifles and intrenched, were but a short distance from Manila and that an engagement took place in which the Americans had twelve killed, twenty-six wounded and five missing. The dispatch continues:

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"There are rumors of attacks on the railroad and of trouble in Manila. Refugees are arriving here from Laguna, Morong and Pampanga provinces. The natives of Manila are restless, and many are leaving the city. The hostile demonstrations are particularly along the railroad and on the shores of Laguna de Bay. The insurgents have attacked garrisons and outposts. In some cases they have charged towns, fleeing when pursued. Guiguinto, Polo, Malolos and Caloocan have been subjected to this treatment.

"The Manila mail escort of thirty men was attacked at Cabugao Lake, a two hours' fight ensuing. Cabugao was also attacked, the telegraph office there being destroyed. The insurgents have burned the village of Rosario. They have been cutting the telegraph wires and railroad at certain points.

"Armed insurgents have developed in the districts of San Jose, San Mateo and Mariquina. In the province of Uueva Ecija ration wagons, with an escort of twelve, were attacked and the wagons burned. Five members of the escort are missing. Advices from Cebu describe several attacks upon American garrisons near the capital. The American casualties outside the Seniloan engage ment it is difficult to ascertain, but they are at least fifteen."

4.

False in One, False in All--Further Infamous Decrees by McKinley.

The man who committed the iniquity of holding allies by force when they had disposed of the common enemy, and of continuing his hold by putting our flag under fire and thus murdering our troops, may be said to be morally insane, and his subsequent conduct shows that he has gone wrong in nearly all directions. His sense of moral honesty is completely shattered. Among the yetto-be-mentioned infamies is that of the re-establishment of chattel slavery under the Stars and Stripes.

a.

CHATTEL SLAVERY RE-ESTAB-
LISHED UNDER THE STARS
AND STRIPES.

Not only has the Declaration of Inde-
pendence been rejected by the Adminis-
tration, and the Constitution nullified,
and therefore the results of the Civil
War as to human freedom all rejected,
but chattel slavery is re-established un-
der the Stars and Stripes. This is so
fearful a charge against the Adminis-
tration that the veterans of the Civil
War and all who hold dear the princi-
ples of the people are inclined to doubt
the truthfulness of this charge.
there is not the slightest doubt. The
agreement between the President and
the Sultan of Sulu and his princes is a
matter of record-the evidence is indis-
putable. In that agreement it is said:

But

“Article I.—The sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged.

"Article II.-The United States flag will be used in the archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies on land and sea.

*

"Article X.-ANY SLAVE IN THE ARCHIPELAGO OF SULU SHALL HAVE THE RIGHT TO PURCHASE FREEDOM BỶ PAYING TO THE MASTER THE USUAL MARKET VALUE."

There you have it. The Stars and Stripes is the flag that is used in the archipelago of Sulu and its dependencies, on land and sea, and under it are the slaves who are permitted to pur

chase their freedom by paying the market price.

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President McKinley, when he ratified the agreement, said that it was "with the understanding and reservation, which should be distinctly communicated to the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not to be deemed in any way to authorize or give the consent of the United States to the existence of slavery in the Sulu archipelago, a thing which is made impossible by the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States." But this socalled reservation was not intended to prevent slavery in the Sulu islands, nor did it do so, for the slaves are held there today, and the Stars and Stripes float over them.

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of the heroes of the American Revolution, gaze upon this picture; and you who have come from foreign empires to the land which boasted of equal rights before the law, look upon it and say whether you will vote for this condition of things, or whether you will vote against it. The question is now up to you. You are to decide, and if you vote yea, then you deliberately declare that you favor chattel slavery under the sovereignty and flag of the United States.

As to what this chattel slavery. is, listen to what historians say:

Character of Sulu Slavery.

In Foreman's book on the Philippines, published last year, he describes the Sulu Islands, saying:

"Slavery exists in a most ample sense. There are slaves by birth and others by conquest, such as prisoners of war, insolvent debtors, and those seized by piratical expeditiors to other islands. A creole friend of mine, Don A. M., was

one of these last. He had commenced clearing an estate for cane growing on the Negros coast some years ago, when he was seized and carried off to Sulu Island. In a few years he was ransomed and returned to Negros, where he formed one of the finest sugar haciendas and factories in the colony."

In Featherman's Social History of the Races of Mankind, it is said:

"Slavery exists on Sulu Island, and the slaves, who were formerly brought from the Philippines, are not well treated, for their masters exercise the power of life and death over them, and sometimes kill them for trifling offenses. The datos frequently punish a disobedient or fugitive slave by drawing their campilan or kris and cutting off his head at one stroke without process of law."

In St. John's "Far East," volume II, page 192, it is said:

"The slaves are collected from all parts of the archipelago, from Acheen Head to New Guinea, and from the south of Siam to the most northern parts of the Philippines. IT IS A REGULAR SLAVE MARKET."

b. POLYGAMY IS RE-ESTABLISHED UNDER THE STARS AND STRIPES.

Article III. declares that "The Moros sball not be interfered with on account. of their religion; all their religious customs shall be respected."

Polygamy is one of their religious customs, and it is being observed today. Today polygamy is a recognized institution under the Administration's policy of Empire. It is part and parcel of the policy of Empire just as much as the re-establishment of chattel slavery and the existence of a king and princes, who are subordinate to the President of the United States.

That polygamy exists is not disputed. Here are the words of Captain Pratt, of the United States Army, who assisted in negotiating the Sulu agreement:

"The Sultan is thirty years of age and has one wife, thirteen concubines and many slaves."

This is the outfit over which the United States flag floats today. This is part and parcel of the new policy of Empire. Will you vote for it; or will you spurn it?

C.

FILIPINOS FORCED TO COMPETE WITH CHATTEL SLAVES. Another important feature in this Sulu agreement is the fact that the people of the Philippines are forced to compete with this labor of chattel slaves in the Sulu islands. Article V. of the agreement provides that:

"All trade in domestic products of the archipelago of Sulu, when carried on by the Sultan and his people with any part of the Philippine Islands, and when conducted under the American flag, shall be free, unlimited, and undutiable."

By the foregoing clause the Malayans of Manila and the surrounding country are, without their consent, forced to carry on free trade with the Moros in the Sulu Islands, a different race of people; and, further, these Moros own chattel slaves. Not only are the people of the Philippines forced to accept a tariff system without their consent, but they are forced to enter into free trade with the neighboring islands which send forth the products of chattel slaves. And the administration is also forcing the people in the Philippines, including Americans, to compete with an unrestricted immigration of Chinese and Japanese.

d. MONARCHY IN FULL BLAST.

Monarchy is also in full blast under the Stars and Stripes. The Sultan is a monarch-a king. Article XI. speaks of the "subjects of the Sultan"-subjects of a king. This shows that we have not only an Empire, but a monarchy under the Stars and Stripes, and an absolute monarchy at that. Historians tell us that this king beheads people with his sword, without trial. It is an absolute monarchy, and above this monarch is his master-the man who as to the United States is termed President. But what is the name that describes his relation to the subject peo ples whom he rules? Will some Administration cuckoo name him?

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United States, shall make complaint to his master, the President of the United States. Article VI. says that "The Sultan shall be allowed to communicate direct with the Governor General of the Philippine Islands in making complaint against the commanding officer of Jolo or against any naval commander." And, of course, the Governor General reports it to the man who has absolute power over all these peoples, namely, William McKinley. You may call him President if you will, but he has all the powers of an Emperor. When Rome lapsed from a republic to an empire, they called the chief officer "Commander" (Emperor) instead "King." They did this because the people knew what "king" meant; and today the President is not called "Emperor," for the people would understand its meaning, but all the power and attributes of an Emperor are conferred upon the Chief Executive, and they continue to call him President.

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f. ENGLISH SYSTEM OF HANDLING SUBJECTS FULLY ADOPTED.

This Sulu agreement was made several months after the policy of empire was adopted by the Administration. We find in this agreement all of the evil features in the English system of empire, together with some that are even worse; for the English have not gone so low as to permit chattel slavery under the Union Jack.

Among the provisions in this remarkable Sulu agreement is one wherein the English system of handling subject races is fully adopted. See page 158, above.

7. DETAILS KEPT FROM THE PEOPLE OF THE INITED STATES UNTIL AFTER ELECTION. The foregoing agreement for chattel slavery, monarchy, polygamy, etc., was concluded between President McKinley and the Sultan on the 20th day of Au

gust, 1899. But the details were kept from the people until after election. This policy of suppressing the truth is part of the policy of empire. When McKinley delivered his annual message to Congress he withheld details from that body and from the people, and continued to withhold them until a Senate resolution forced their presentation to Congress and to the country. Proof of this charge is as follows:

In the Congressional Report of May 14, 1900, Hon. James M. Robinson, on the floor of the House, made the following statement, which was not contradicted by an Administration Congress

man:

"This Sulu agreement, though a part of the President's 1899 message, was not placed within the reach of Congress at the time the message was delivered, but was withheld until February, 1900, and till forced by a Senate resolution, which the President answered with Senate Document 136, and in his message therewith said:

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'Message from the President of the United States, transmitting, in response to resolution of the Senate of January 24, 1900, copy of the report and all accompanying papers of Brig. Gen. John C. Bates in relation to the negotiation of a treaty or AGREEMENT MADE BY HIM WITH THE SULTAN OF SULU on the 20th day of August, 1899. "To the Senate of the United States:

"In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of January 24, 1900, I transmit herewith a "copy of the report and all accompanying papers of Brig. Gen. John C. Bates in relation to the negotiation of a treaty or agreement made by him WITH THE SULTAN OF SULU on the 20th day of August, 1899."

"I reply to the request in said resolution for further information, that the payments of money provided for by the agreement will be made from the revenues of the Philippine Islands, unless Congress shall otherwise direct. Such payments are not for specific services, but are a part of the consideration moving to the Sulu tribe or nation under the agreement. WILLIAM MCKINLEY.'"

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