of the gentleman, and if he had pondered upon it he would give us the result of his reflections. According to his argument, there is an influence subject to be exerted, and by whom? By one set of officers of the State Government, and by another set of officers of the United States Government, and if they exactly neutralize one another then they have no effect. But, sir, one of the great objects of the gentleman is, to take away this power from the Government of Pennsylvania, and leave the officers of the General Government to have full scope. If the argument then, was correct, which had been used, you must retain this influence of the State Government to overbalance the influence of the General Government. Well, again, who are the officers of the General Government? Why, they are not officers of the State Government. Suppose then, they do exercise an influence over matters relating to the General Government, they ought not to be suffered to influence matters in relation to the State Government, farther than their own votes go. Now, whether this influence did exist, or did not, he would leave to other gentlemen to determine by the arguments which had already been adduced, but what had chiefly drawn him up, was not so much what he had just adverted to, as a remark made by the gentleman who had last spoken, from the county of Philadelphia, (Mr. M’Cahen) that every thing which had been said in relation to the officers of the General Government, applied equally to his respected friend from the city (Judge HOPKINSON). Now, he would ask the gentleman from the county of Philadelphia, whether there was not a difference between an officer holding an office during the pleasure of the person appointing him, and an officer holding his office for life? The venerable gentleman from the city was one of the most independent men in the Convention. He has got a high and honorable appointment, perhaps fulfilling the measure of his wishes, and is independent of mortal He can go on the bench and do justice, and come down and exercise his rights freely ; and no one need tell him (Mr. S.) that there was any analogy between a judge and an officer whose office depends upon the will of a man. He did not wish the gentleman from the county of Philadelphia to suppose that he made any personal allusion to him, as he had only to do with principle, and should not take upon himself to say any thing with regard to the character of any individual member of the Convention, because, he should then be taking upon himself more than belonged to him. He was now speaking in relation to officers holding office at will; and the difference between them and life officers was this: . That the office holder at will, can be turned out whenever the power who appointed him sees fit to turn him out; and no power could demand of him why he had done so. In the case of the gentleman, let the mandate come from Washington, or from the Post Master at Philadelphia, and he lost his employment, because it was the pleasure of him who appointed him to turn him out. In the case of the learned Judge, however, he would only be reasoned out of his office, and when he is removed, there must be ample grounds for such removal. That judge, then, can freely vote for whom he pleases, and take what part he pleases in politics; and no one had any right to interfere with him ; but this was not the case with officers holding office during pleasure; they were removable whenever they were ordered to leave, although there may be no reason at all for it. This was a view of the matter of vast importance, and God forbid that man. He was the judges should ever be placed on such a footing as this, that their offi- Mr. BIDDLE regretted that there should be so frequent an allusion to party: we are here to propose amendments to the Constitution, to the fundamental articles of Government, to endure, it is to be hoped, not for a day only, but during a long period of time. Our duties are both responsible and elevated, and in their discharge we should be influenced by no considerations save those of the purest patriotism: none less pure becoming the trust committed to our hands should be permitted to prevail. On questions of amendment our past votes indicate no such division as one into two great political parties, into parties the one composed of sixty-six, and the other of sixty-seven members. Among the sixty-seven there are to be found some who are second to none in the number and extent of the alterations in the Constitution they desire, while among the sixty-six there are many gentlemen in favor of few reforms only, and those moderate, and who are essentially conservative in their views. On both sides there are gentlemen entitled to our high respect and regard, and there is no one whose purity of motive is suspected. Let us not then indulge in criminations; let us not ake appeals to the angry elements of party strife; this is neither the occasion, nor is this a fitting time. A dreadful storm has just torn and shattered our country : every where are to be seen the scattered fragments of ruin: the signs of blasted hopes and ruined fortunes. He would not pause to inquire into the causes of disasters so overwhelming; he invoked a nobler spirit, the spirit of devoted patriotism. Let us no longer by our dissensions tear the bosom of our distracted country; but let us unite our energies to bind up her wounds; to resuscitate her resources and revive her energies. Prostrate as she now is, she possesses all the elements of greatness, and cannot be kept long in a state of depression, if we be but true and avail ourselves of the means within our reach to repair the mischief. Extending over a vale, embracing every variety of climate and of natural productions, with mineral riches inexhaustible ; with grea tnatural channels of communication, and aided by canals, rail roads, and every facility that modern a improvements furnish, with a hardy, industrious, moral, religious, and free population, it is only necessary that we should act in concert, impelled by one feeling, and direct our united energies to the rescue of our country from impending evil, and in time all must be well. A great country like this is not, cannot be, ruined. Let us give the example the times demand; animated by conciliation and diligently occupied in the performance of our duties let no blame be attached to us; let us cast from us the apple of discord, and consider only what will best promote the permanent prosperity and happiness of the people. As to the question before the Convention he would agree to any day for holding the elections which would suit the people of the country generally. Mr. M'CAHEN should not again have trespassed upon the committee had not the President of the Convention addressed some questions which he should endeavor to answer, without following the gentleman through his very learned speech. He thanked the gentleman most sincerely for the instruction he had so kindly offered and acknowledging the ability of the preceptor he would strive to improve with the gentleman's advice. He confessed he had been rude when he compared the position of the venerable Judge, who is a member of the Convention, with the humble, yet relative position which he (Mr. M'CAHEN) occupied as an officer of the General Government; but it was an error of education, he was one of those humble Democrats who sometimes took liberties. If the people of this country were slaves, and destitute of the attributes which belong to freemen. he might then admit that the office held at will made the officer less independent than the office held for life; but he thought it an undeserved reproach upon that class of his fellow citizens; if they performed their duties faithfully as public officers, they were not the less likely to discharge their duties as citizens with equal fidelity. The gentleman from Allegheny (Mr. DENNY) had said, that "officers of the General Government ought to be deprived of the right to vote". That gentleman might have gone a little further and his object would have been as well attained-cause them to be put to death. You should not let these despots occupy a place upon earth, and be permitted to run at large in the face of day, corrupting and destroying all whom they touched. Or rather, are Mr. Chairman, (said Mr. M'CAHEN) is it not remarkable that gentlemen who claim so much wisdom, should entertain so poor an opinion of themselves and the public, as to believe, that the officers of the General Government could divert them from the path of duty? Why do they confess themselves liable to these dangerous influences? Are the persons selected to fill public offices a band of buccaniers? they selected because of their general good character and competency to discharge the important duties assigned them? They are; and most generally supported by the strongest recommendation-the recorded votes of their neighbors and fellow citizens. They are as much freemen as those who assail them. They are good and upright citizens, performing all the duties of citizens and officers, with the most scrupulous fidelity. And I trust, that a proper spirit of indignation will breathe from them when they are thus denounced. You had better banish them forever: for his part, he had rather in his present mind-and he made no professions of patriotism-he had rather surrender life, than that right, which he held, and hoped ever would hold, stronger than life-the sacred right of suffrage. What! said he, is the spirit of '96 extinct? Are we 80 far degenerated as to forget the fathers and their noble resistance to slavery, in the times of peril in that history of our country during the glorious revolution? He hoped not; he believed not: No generous soul! no liberal minded man, could think so—none could charge them with using dishonorable or unfair means to sustain their views, or the views of their party Has it come to this, that to be honored with public office, you are to surrender your franchise ! Cease to be a freeman! To be exiled because your character has been sufficiently good to receive the confidence of your Government? Why, sir, might we not be deprived of any other right or property? Why, should they be less, or more, than other men ? For myself, I stand here, independent of the influence of the governmentindependent of any influence, except that monitor within my own heart. I acknowledge myself bound by the wishes of my constituents, and will strive to obey their instructions: but I shall not compromise my sense of honor for any power. In conclusion, Mr. M'C. said that he would advert to a single remark which fell from the President. That gentleman had said, “ that he would not have engaged in the debate, but that there was a principle involved". For his (Mr. M'C's) part, he regretted exceedingly, that the gentleman had engaged in it, particularly as he had also surrendered his dignity in feeling himself called upon to reiterate the charges which had been conceived in illiberality, and by inferior minds. Mr. Sill, of Erie, was desirous that they should fix upon a time, if possible, that would be disagreeable to no portion of the community. He apprehended, that the first part of November would not be deemed a convenient time-because, as had been stated by the gentleman from Chester the course in the several counties, were held about that time, at least, in eight of them. And, among them was the one he (Mr. SiLL) represented. He admitted, that the proposition relative to holding the courts, might be altered by an act of Assembly. But, he felt convinced, that the people were decidedly in favor of holding them in November, rather than at any other time, inasmuch as it suited their own convenience better, and they had been in the habit of doing so. He was well aware, that his constituents would think the change unnecess essary, and the time inconvenient to them. Now, he had heard no complaint any where--none by any gentleman from the eastern or southern portion of the State--that the time, as at present fixed, was inconvenient. It had been suggested by delegates from the north and south west, that it was convenient. He feared, then, that this amendment would induce the people to vote against the new Constitution. Some gentlemen had proposed to fix the time after the farmers had finished their fall work ; others were for fixing it earlier-in September—in order that the members could make prepations for the session. For his own part, he believed, that the amendment reported by the committee would accommodate the people of his portion of the State, as well as any other, if not better. But, of all the propositions that have been made, he thought that fixing the time on the fourth week in October, would be most convenient to every section of the State; that it would be unwise to select a day later, he believed, in consequence of the bad weather-snow--and bad roads after the month of November, Now, Mr Cox, of Somerset, " Is the day fixed in the amendment? Mr. Cox-There will be an opportunity to change the day by an amendment on the second reading. CHAIR–Such is the understanding of the Chair. Mr. Cox, of Somerset, said that he would go for the amendment in its present shape. He confessed that he had this proposed amendment to the Constitution as much at heart as any other that had been suggested, for he believed that it was one that would be acceptable to a large majority of the people of the Commonwealth. He believed it to be susceptible of clear demonstration that it would be beneficial and salutary to the people. Some gentlemen had argued that it would bring the influence of the General Government to bear upon the State elections. Now, he entertained a different opinion. He conceived that it would be the means of preventing—of breaking down, this influence, which had been so much deprecated. It would prevent, he repeated, that influence from controling not only the State but the National elections. The gentleman from Allegheny (Mr. FORWARD) and others, had certainly exhibited, in a strong and forcible light, the evils of interference by the officers of the Federal Government on the State elections. They had said, that if the two elections were held at the same time, that the executive patronage would be brought to bear on them, and that the dominant party would avail themselves of it for the purpose of electing the men of their choice. gentlemen must have known, if they were at all acquainted with politics, that the battle is not the less fought because the day of election had not . arrived. Was it not well known that the Presidential battle in November commenced at the outposts in October ? The first skirmish was at the election for inspectors—when herds of office-holders were on the ground in order to elect the men of their own party politics. And, the general engagement was fought in October. Well, if these men should succeed in a county or district in electing an inspector of their own party—they immediately despatch an account of their victory to some democratic newspaper office (for they all call themselves Democrats) and have it published in an extra, stating that they have elected their man by a great majority, and that they will have a tremendous majority at the Presidential election. Yes, the battle begins there; and when the Noveniber election commenced, the office-holders mustered all their force--brought out every man who had acted with them before. Now, this was the kind of influence that was used not only in this State, but throughout the United States. These office-holders hold a language of this tenor—“We must have a glorious victory on that day, and we will proclaim to our friends in other States that this State is secure for A. B. or W. H. or any body else”. And, the object of issuing and circulating these extras all over this State and in the adjoining States was to make the impression that it would be useless to oppose their candidate because the State of Pennsylvania had already decided for him. The yeomanry, and all those who love their country, turn out to attend the October elections, for they took a very deep interest in them. Well, then it was, as he had already remarked, that the Federal officers exerted their influence. They were fighting for their bread and butter, and they would be found neither sleeping nor slumbering at that time. No; that was contrary to all experience. |