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Vair, Passerat, and others, though less vehement, were equally decided in hostility to the measure.

On repeated occasions, however, Henry IV. expressed his intention to promulgate the Council, with the necessary salvos for his royal prerogatives, (as in Spain and the Low Countries,) to which he was constantly urged by the Cardinal D'Ossat, his ambassador at Rome, whence this Cardinal (Lettres, tom. ii. p. 332) writes, that even there the discipline of the Council "ne se pratique pas en tout," so little imperative was it; but the troubles of his reign prevented the execution of this intention. "Actum tunc," (Nov. 1599,) says de Thou, " de Concilii Tridentini promulgatione .... sed in quietiora tempora reservata." (Lib. 123.) Indeed, Henry's coronation-oath explicitly declared his submission to the Councils: "J'approuve sans aucun doute, et fais profession de tout ce qui a été décis, déterminé et déclaré par les saints Conciles," &c. (Economies

Royales, &c. de Sulli, 1662, folio.) But the parliaments, always jealous of the papal authority, threw obstacles in the way of a formal reception, while, in common with the universal body of Catholics, they unreservedly acknowledged the articles of faith, "La loi du Concile de Trente a été reçue par l'Eglise Gallicane," says M. Bouchard, (Docteur agrégé à la Faculté de Droict,) "mais elle a rejetté tous les points de discipline qui ne s'accordent, ni avec l'ancienne, ni avec nos mœurs." And, in "L'Art de vérifier les Dates," (tom. iii. 8vo.) it is said, "Tous les Francais croyent de cœur, et appuyent de bouche, toutes les vérités que ce Concile enseigne, et condamnent de même toutes les erreurs qu'il condamne, sans y être obligés par aucune loi extérieure emanée du roi." See, likewise, Pallavicini (Istoria del Concilio di Trento, lib. xxiv. cap. 10. Roma, 1664).

I could corroborate this series of evidence, "that the Gallican Church formed no exception to the universal

This learned man, the successor of Ramus, and mentioned by Mr. Hallam among the Latin poets, (vol. ii. 338,) concluded an epitaph, which he composed for himself, with the apposite deprecation,

"Mea molliter ossa quiescant,

Sint modo carminibus non onerata malis."

The epitaph ordered by the Count Tessin, of Sweden, for himself, was, at least, short enough, "Tandem felix;" nor was that of the famous Cardinal Portacarrero, who died at Toledo in 1709, much longer, though, perhaps, hardly befitting a Christian prelate: "Hic jacet cinis, pulvis et nihil." (St. Simon, vii. 401.) That of the licentiate Garcias, "A qui està encerrada el alma del licenciado Pedro Garcias," would apply to more books than Le Sage's; and the inscription by Louis XVIII. on the tomb of James II. in the church of St. Germain en Laye, where the English monarch found refuge in the generous feelings of Louis XIV. is very appropriate: "Regio cineri, pietas regia." But perhaps a better, when authorised by circumstances, could not be chosen than that furnished by Eschylus, (Persæ, 649,)

Η φίλος ἀνὴρ ἦ φίλος ὄχθος

Φίλα γὰρ κέκευθεν ἤθη.

+ I may remark that even here, in Catholic Ireland, so little mandatory are the rules of discipline, some variance existed in regard to clandestine marriages between the several dioceses, until assimilated and made uniform by a bull, which only took effect so late as the 1st of January 1828. It has been noticed that, notwithstanding the devotion of this country to the Holy See, no native Irishman has been honoured with the purple. Some early names have been mentioned, but no certainty of the fact can be established. Cardinal Norris, though of Irish extraction, probably remote, was born at Verona; but I have read that Cardinal Cienfuegos, who died in 1739, was an Irishman by birth, who, sent very young to Spain, there translated his patronymic, Keating, into the corresponding Spanish appellative. Certain it is, that both have exactly the same meaning-a hundred fires, (in Irish, Cead-teinid, pronounced very like Keating.) Saint Simon calls this cardinal "un homme d'esprit et d'intrigue," (tom. XVIII. 276,) but he was opposed to the Bourbon succession, and openly espoused the Austrian interest in Spain. His Irish descent is very problematical, for Spanish biography represents him as born in the diocese of Oviedo; but the consonant sense of the names in both languages is undoubted. It is right to add, that it requires a larger fortune to support the dignity of a cardinal-a prince of the church -than Irish ecclesiastics can be supposed to possess.

reception of the doctrine of the Council by the professors of the Roman Catholic religion," by a reference to the respective histories of Elie Dupin, Bonaventure Racine, D'Avigny, Picot, the Collection of Le Plat (Monumentorum ad Historiam Concilii Tridentini illustrandam, Lovan. 1781,) and Abbé Millot's Histoire de la reception du Concile de Trente dans les Etats Catholiques, 1756, 2 vols. 12mo. To enumerate, however, the occasions on which the Gallican clergy, the true and legitimate interpreters of the nation's religious sentiments, have testified their implicit subserviency to the Tridentine canons of faith, would be to compose the annals of that body. It will suffice for Mr. Hallam to name Bossuet, whose "Exposition de la Doctrine de l'Eglise," as our author avows, (vol. iv. 130,) is exclusively grounded on the decrees of the Council; and it I will not be denied that Bossuet has ever been the accredited organ of the Gallican clergy, who, in 1682, expressed their formal approbation of this little, but important volume. It was at the same assembly that they passed the famous resolutions, four in number, in assertion of their own privileges. (See Cardinal Beausset, Vie de Bossuet, tome ii. p. 229, and page 279, vol. i.)

Je ne m'arrêterai," states Bossuet, in his opening section, "qu'aux décrets du Concile de Trente, puisque c'est là que l'Eglise a parlé décisivement." The work is generally preceded likewise by the approval of the Pope (Innocent XI.) as well as of the Cardinals Bona* and Chigi, with many bishops, doctors, &c. so as to leave no doubt of its conformity with the Catholic creed, as defined by the Council.

Accordingly, Cardinal Chigi writes, "Ne credo che il modo che tien l'autore, sia da condamnasi nell' Esplicatione di qualche dottrina insegnata dal Concilio di Trento." The assent, therefore, of the Gallican church was not silent or passive, but most explicit and declared; and the royal or magisterial acts, though by no formal or authoritative injunction, were expressive of an equally unexceptional adherence to the dogmatic decrees of the Council, which, I repeat, universally constituted, in the Catholic world, the rule and test of religious belief.

"Hæc est cymba, quâ tuti vehimur ;
Hoc ovile, quo tecti condimur;
Hæc columna quâ firmi nitimur
Veritatis."

Prose of the dedication of a church in the
Parisian Breviary.

Bossuet's favourite maxim, after St. Augustin, was "in necessariis unitas, in dubiis libertas, in omnibus charitas ;" an admirable distinction, which, it is to be hoped, will spread. "Axpis επ' αντολίην τε καὶ ακαμάτον δύσιν

on,"* though the charity of the great prelate may not appear quite so evident in his conduct towards Fénélon on the Quietest question, and the latter's book "Les Maximes des Saints;" but the subject has been amply and most impartially discussed by Cardinal Beausset, the biographer of both, and equally to their credit. See Vie de Bossuet, (tom. iii. p. 281, &c. and 347 ;) also, Vie de Fénélon (livres ii. et iii.) with les Pièces Justificatives.

Bossuet's" Exposition," first published at the close of 1671, was immediately translated into every European language,-into English by the Abbé Montagu (Walter, second son of the

* This Cardinal, who died shortly after Bossuet had published his work, (1674,) was equally eminent for his learning and piety. On the decease of Clement IX. in 1669, he was named amongst those worthy of the tiara; when a French Jesuit, (Pere Dangières,) in reply to a line inscribed, as usual on these occasions, on the statue of Pasquin-"Papa Bona sarebbe un solecismo,"-made the following epigram :—

"Grammaticæ leges plerumque Ecclesia spernit:
Forte erit ut liceat dicere Papa Bona.
Vana solæcismi ne te conturbet imago:
Esset Papa bonus, si Bona Papa erit."

The successful candidate, however, was Cardinal Emilio Altieri, who assumed the name of Clement X.

+ Quinti Calabri Smyrnæi Hapaλeiñoμéva. (lib. 13, v. 346. ed. Argentor. 1807, 8vo.)

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IT is difficult to reconcile the account given by Bale of the wholesale destruction of manuscripts at the Reformation, with the large number in every collection which can be traced to have belonged to various English monasteries. Still less imagine, at least from the catalogues we possess, that such multitudes of books were sent abroad at that period, "not in small nombre, but at tymes whole shippes full, to the wonderynge of the foren nacyons." That the most valuable portions of many monastic collections still remain, I have no doubt; and, if the labour of identification were not too great, further proofs might probably be discovered.

In the library of Jesus College, Cambridge, are still preserved about fifty manuscripts which formerly belonged to the Cathedral church of Durham: Mr. Hunter mentioned one volume in the Appendix to the last Report of the Record Commissioners. By comparing these books with their descriptions given in the ancient catalogues recently published by the Surtees Society, we shall be better able to judge with what degree of correctness such catalogues were constructed.

MS. Jes. Coll. Q. r. 29.

Codex Membranaceus, in 12mo. Sec. xij. 1. Epistola Jeronimi ad Demetriedem virginem.

2. Dicta Anselmi Archiepiscopi.

3. Sermo Sancti Augustini de penitentia.

4. Collateres quatuor virtutum, in versibus.

5. De duodecim lapidibus, in versibus. 6. Orationes sive meditationes An

selmi.

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12. De vestimentis sacerdotalibus.
13. Petitiones.

14. Dictiones metrificandi. 15. Computus astronomicus. 16. Fragmentum bibliæ, cum glossis. This MS. is thus described in the Surtees volume, p. 19 :—

"Epistolæ Jeronimi ad Demetriedem virginem. Dicta Anselmi. Sermo Augustini de penitentia. Meditationes Anselmi. Prosologion ejusdem. Augustinus de præsentia Dei. Seneca de institutione morum. Collacio Serapionis. De vestimentis sacerdotalibus. Tractatus de arte metrica. Item Compotus Practica Geometriæ. Et lamentaciones Jeromiæ."

This is, on the whole, very accurate; but what did the compiler mean by compotus practica geometria, (for these words certainly ought not to be divided as the Editor of the Surtees

publication has them?) The tract referred to is a very common one in early MSS. and treats of ecclesiastical computation; but what geometry has to do with it is another question. tica Geometria," and the last tract lost. Perhaps it may be "Compotus. Prac

We will now take an instance of an

extremely superficial description:

:

MS. Jes. Coll. Q. F. 11. Membranaceus, 8vo. Sec. xiv. 1. Meditatio de custodia interioris hominis.

2. Excerpta de patribus, et aliis authoribus.

3. Gulielmus Parisiensis de fide et legibus.'

4. Dialogus de Deo et anima humana. 5. Confessio Johannis Wickliffe de præsentia corporali in sacramento altaris.

6. De sacerdotum negligentia in Divinis officiis.

7. Excerpta quædam ex patribus de oratione.

8. Aluredus Rievallensis Abbas de anima.

9. Tractatus de mundo fugiendo. 10. De peccato originali.

Which is thus described in the Catalogi Veteres, p. 72 :—

"Willielmus Parisiensis de fide et legibus, in quinque libris; cum meditatione cujusdam sapientis de custodia interioris hominis precedente; et cum confessione Magistri Johannis Wyclyff de sacramento altaris subsequente; cum aliis."

I wish it were in my power to have given a complete and authenticated

list of those MSS. in Jesus College library which are described in the Surtees volume, but I am compelled to defer it for the present. I wish, however, to make a few observations on other monastic libraries.

The cover of the MS. N. B. 17, in the library of Jesus College, I found on examination to contain a few written vellum leaves, and, on opening and cleaning them, they proved to be a complete and very curious catalogue of the books belonging to the Abbey of Rievaulx in the thirteenth century. As I have made a transcript of this MS. for publication, I shall here only give a few short extracts illustrative of its general nature :—

"Ailredus de vita sancti Edwardi. De generositate et moribus et morte regis David. De vita sancti Niniani episcopi. De miraculis Haugustald' ecclesie. In uno volumine.

"Ambrosius de virginibus et de Nabuthe, et sermo ejus de jejunio, et libellus Ricardi Prioris de Benjamin et fratribus ejus. De quibusdam partibus mundi. De septem mirabilibus Rome. De quin. que plagis Anglie. In uno volumine.

"Orosius de ormesta mundi. Historia Daretis de bello Trojano, et versus Petri Abailardi ad filium, et cronica de Anglia. In uno volumine.

"Quedam nominum et verborum expositio in epistolas Pauli, et versus de Christo, et de sacramentis fidei quorundam patrum sermones. In uno volumine. "Enchiridion et versus cujusdam de morte Roberti Bloet, episcopi Lincolniensis; et difficiliores partes veteris ac novi Testamenti. In uno volumine."

Mr. Hunter, in his valuable little volume on English Monastic Libraries, has mentioned the library of St. Augustine's, at Canterbury, but he does not appear to have been aware that a very valuable catalogue of this collection, made in the 14th century, is in MS. Galba, E. IV. in the Cottonian collection. This catalogue, although consisting chiefly of theological works, contains many very curious and interesting articles. In the Public Library at Cambridge (Ii. 3. 12.) is a list of books belonging to a member of this house in the fifteenth century, consisting of five folio this collection pages; was probably given to the monastery, because the volume in which it is found, and which is inserted in the catalogue, has a note of presentation on fol. 2, ro.

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TOOKE'S DIVERSIONS OF PURLEY, AND RICHARDSON'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY, MR. URBAN,

A FEW months ago an old friend, intimate with my lexicographical labours from their commencement to their close, suggested to me that a good Zoilean criticism upon my Dictionary might eventually be of considerable service to accelerate the popularity of the book. He founded his expectation upon the old maxim

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Magna est veritas et prævalebit; and being able himself to keep a single-eyed view of the matter steadily before him, without any of the sensitiveness of authorship, he could wish me exposed to the brunt of the battle, without apprehension for my safety or renown. In his fearlessness of final victory, I did not hesitate to express my own participation, yet I could not but acknowledge that there were other modes of attracting favourable notice, to which I should give a decided preference. I could not but feel conscious that, having worked so hard and unceasingly in harness for a number of years, with scarcely a respite for recruiting my strength,

or

reanimating my spirits, some tender places might be worn; and that, if the whip should be placed in the hands of some dashing Jehu, as perhaps it might, more ostentatious of himself than forbearing to his cattle, he might, for the mere purpose of displaying the dexterity with which he could throw the lash, touch me (the expression is rendered classical by recent parliamentary usage) rather too smartly upon the raw.

No such infliction has hitherto befallen me, and those intenerate spots, for whose concealment I might feel solicitous, whether from want of skill to detect or of design to pain them, remain to the present hour, like "undivulged crimes unwhipt of justice."

A gentleman, who now for the second time appears before us as Editor of the Επεα Πτερόεντα, (a work, which should have a scholar for its Editor, or none,) has had the graciousness to bestow some of his attentions upon me, but in a tone so subdued and feeble, that 1 scarcely suspect him to be desirous of arousing me to reciprocate his courtesy. I am quite sure, that he is not the assailant to satisfy the hopes of my friend; who, however inclined to emperil me in the risks of strife, felt a confidence that, if I entered the field, I should earn, and be repaid by, the honours of a triumph. For my own part, I am warmed by so faint a glow of chivalric valiancy, that I am quite content to see Mr. Richard Taylor advance as my antagonist and, if he were not presumed to have acquired a simulate importance by taking his stand upon the solid base of Tooke's reputation, I should, I think, have allowed him to taint my shield, and pass by-without any attempt or any ambition to break a lance with him in the lists.

I have, however, a preliminary to settle with the learned Typographer. In the Edition of the Diversions of Purley printed and published by him. in the year 1829, he quoted from the Monthly Review for Jan. 1817, a sweeping censure upon my Illustrations of English Philology, conveyed "Mr. in the following terms: Richardson pursues the same untracked course, (as Horne Tooke,) and often connects (like Mr. Whiter in his Etymologicon) words as obviously distinct in pedigree as a negro and a white." Now the fact is, that, in my small volume, I had myself connected no words whatever; all the connections were the workmanship, good or bad, of Tooke alone: and I have some reason to complain of the disingenuousness of Mr. Taylor, in preserving from the oblivion of a periodical journal, in the pages of a work not his own, and there

GENT, MAG. VOL. XIII.

fore not, on that account, obnoxious to the same speedy submersion from public regard,-but in the pages of a work which no clumsy or hostile editorship will ever overwhelm or suppress ;-I have, I say, some reason to complain of this, inasmuch as in a letter addressed to Mr. Taylor, and which I know he received, I informed him of the error (and it is not the only one of the kind) into which the Monthly Critic had too hastily fallen. I am compelled to suppose that Mr. T. wished to add weight to his own imputations upon the soundness of my principles of Philology, by thus stealing into the minds of his reader the apparent authority of the Reviewer in prejudice against me. He only knows whether his act is to be ascribed to inadvertence or intention; but I am the more desirous to divest him of any advantage which he may imagine himself to receive from his critical auxiliary, because to the opinion of that auxiliary, when fairly given, I attach a greater value than I fix upon his own, and one reason for the distinction is, that, if the reviewer condemns me for a fault which I have not committed, he also awards a full measure of approbation to the industry and judgment displayed in my Illustrations, and to the great and lasting service rendered by me to English philology.

There is, Mr. Urban, in the additional notes prefixed to his author, another instance in which Mr. R. Taylor manifests a desire to give vigour to his blow by calling to his aid the arm of a stronger combatant than himself. He affirms that my large collection of examples, serviceable as it may be to philologists and to future lexicographers, is most injudiciously arranged; and he refers, in confirmation, to a well-known article in the Quarterly Review, in which the author of the Lexicon (as it is termed in the Encyclopedia Metropolitana) is favourably mentioned, but his chronological arrangement of quotations disapproved, because it enforced a necessity of not unfrequently producing an instance of a metaphorical usage before

*Vol. LI. p. 172. X

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