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the true and genuine Shakespeare-men, which I opposed in my first letter. What I have said, and continue to say, is,-follow the autograph of the individual. But, adds Mr. Burgon, that would make the uncle Nevyle and the nephew Nevyll; and the father Cecill and the son Cecyll, which is a reductio ad absurdum. How does that appear? It would be contrary to modern usage, but is it therefore absurd? The absurdity, if there is one, is in reducing the diversities of ancient practice to the monotony of our own dead level. If our ancestors allowed varieties of this description, why should we not preserve the memory of the fact? We cherish other antique forms, why not those of names?

I might now go on to comment upon various inaccuracies in Mr. Burgon's letter; but I agree with him that there has been something too much of this, and therefore forbear noticing only one seeming mistake: and that because it does not affect

myself, but may mislead future inquirers. Mr. Burgon says,

"Lord Burghley, shortly after he was raised to the peerage, wrote as follows to his friend Nicholas Whyte in Ireland: 'My stile is, Lord of BURGHLEY, if you meane to know it for your wrytyng, and if you list to write truly:--the poorest Lord in England!"

and his comment is as follows:

"It seems to me from the peculiar expression of his Lordship, that he recognised his correspondent's right to spell his name in any way he pleased; that he considered it quite optional whether a proper name was to be written' truly' or not."

Now, the words of Lord Burghley's letter are quoted accurately enough, but I think their sense is altogether altered by the manner in which they are pointed. Burghley, as is well known to all who are familiar with his mode of writing, was in the habit of using a long slanting stroke in the place of that we now term a period or full stop, using the period in the place of a comma, and, occasionally, where a significant pause was required, as be

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"My stile is, 'Lord of Burghley,' if you meane to know it, for your wrytyng. And, if you list to wryte truly, the poorest Lord in England.' "'

The words are a postscript to a letter to Whyte, who was in constant official and friendly correspondence with Burghley; and from the circumstance of there being one of Burghley's usual slanting strokes through the letter i of the whole postscript was probably of the first" if," it seems to me that written thus: He first wrote, "My stile is Lord of Burghley," concluding the sentence with his substitute for a

period; looking at the words, they probably appeared rather abrupt, and he added-writing through the slanting stroke he had put after Burghley-" if ing." There he again concluded; but you meane to know it for your writflashing across his mind, he finally the little pleasantry about his poverty subjoined," and if you list to write truly, the poorest Lord in England.'" It will be perceived that this rendering is totally at variance with the conBurgon. struction put upon the passage by Mr.

And now farewell to Shakspere for the present; and I trust in peace and harmony with all! There is a carelessness in Mr. Burgon's statements of the contents of my letters which I sincerely wish had not existed, because it prevents my looking upon him, as an opponent, with all the satisfaction I could have desired; but, on the other hand, his good temper and the generosity of his disposition shine so clearly through what he has written, that it would grieve me to part from such a man upon any other terms than those of certain friendship.

Yours, &c. JOHN BRUCE.

595

MEMORIALS OF LITERARY CHARACTERS, No. XXVIII.

MADAME DE STAEL AND M. DE

LALLY TOLENDAL.

THE late M. de Lally Tolendal was son of the unfortunate Lally, who perished on the scaffold in the reign of Louis XV. On the appearance of the first volume of the Biographie Universelle, he agreed with Madame de Stael, (who was daughter of the celebrated Necker,) that each should furnish to that publication a memoir of the other's father. Such an agreement does honour to their filial affection, for each had already undertaken the task of vindicating a parent's memory. Unfortunately, though projected, it was not completed, as the death of Madame de Stael prevented her from redeeming her part of the mutual pledge. The life of Lally in the Biographie is anonymous.

M. DE LA PLACE.

M. Pierre Antoine de la Place,* who was editor of the Mercure de France from 1762 to 1768, was a most extraordinary instance of vanity. He was afflicted, all his life, with a passion for celebrity, which his talents were too mediocre to satisfy. In order to make a noise about himself, he hit on the singular idea of giving himself out for dead in the public papers, and lamenting, in the same announcement, the loss of so promising a person. The Obituary does not appear to have excited any great sensation, and when he was found to be still alive, it was treated as a good joke, which probably saved him from merited contempt.

In 1762 he was appointed to the editorship of the Mercure de France, through the Pompadour interest, which was then predominant. Associated with him in the editorship was a person named Lagarde, who, on account of his character as a jail-bird, was called Lagarde Bicétre, and between them the publication was brought to the brink of ruin in three years. As the editorship was in the gift of government, it was taxed with pensions to certain literary men, and

* See Gent. Mag. for July, 1839.

the conductor made his profit out of the remainder. Under the auspices of La Place, it fell off so rapidly, that the subscribers withdrew in numbers, the pensions could no longer be paid, and he was deprived of his appointment. More fortunate, however, than those who had thus suffered by his incapacity, he obtained a retiring allowance of 5,000 francs, yet he complained perpetually that his labours and merit were not appreciated.

The history of his Pièces interessantes et peu connues is curious. He had obtained possession of a MS.common-place book, entitled Memorial, which belonged to the celebrated Duclos, whose thoughts and extracts were sure to prove interesting. This he took the liberty of printing, and as the whole impression was soon disposed of, he brought out another volume, containing, indeed, some fragments of that writer's, and, though inferior to the former, it also sold. This was trying the pulse of the public far enough, but he had the assurance to bring out six more volumes, copied from the Ana, the Dictionaries of Anecdotes, &c. &c. and crammed with insipidities, a great portion of which were his own adventures, correspondence, and conversations. La Harpe observes, sarcastically, that his poetry might surely be termed pièces peu connues, but he alone could call them interessantes. He gives a strange instance of blundering on the part of La Place. Pascal had defined the immensity of Deity. "A circle whose centre is everywhere, and the circumference nowhere." But La Place, who admired the definition, in deference to the public voice, could not understand it, and printed it thus. "A circle whose circumference is everywhere, and the centre nowhere." Yet he had the audacity to call himself le doyen des gens de lettres.

A few particulars may be added concerning the Mercure. It was established in 1672 by Visé,† (whom M. Sabatier calls a pauvre écrivain,)

+ Jean Donneau de la Visé.

under the title of Mercure galant. La Bruyère esteemed it, as it was conducted in his time, au dessous du rien.

After some interruption, it assumed the title of Mercure de France, at his death in 1710. M. Antoine de la Roque, having lost a leg at the battle of Malplaquet, obtained the editorship sometime after as a reward, and superintended it till his death in 1744. Connected with his editorship is an amusing story, which has already been told in the notice of M. Desforges Maillard, alias Mlle. Malerais de la Vigne. (Vol. XII. p. 23, July 1839.) The Mercure was afterwards consigned to La Harpe, whose first Literary essays had appeared in it. A complete collection forms about 1,300 volumes.* CYDWELI.

RICHARD SAVAGE.

In Johnson's Life of this extraordinary man, he relates that a Mrs. Lloyd, his godmother, left him the sum of 3001.; that her death happened in his tenth year, and that, " as he had none to prosecute his claim, to shelter him from oppression, or call in law to the assistance of justice, her will was eluded by the executors, and no part of the money was ever paid."

Upon this anecdote the sage Bozzy remarks, "If he had a title to the legacy, he could not have found any difficulty in recovering it; for, had the executors resisted his claim, the whole costs, as well as legacy, must have been paid by them, if he had been the child to whom it was given."

It seems pretty clear that while Bozzy (who was a bit of a lawyer) was planning his note, he forgot his text; which does not say that the executors resisted his claim, but that the unfriended boy had none to prosecute it. The editor, however, subjoins a note "This reasoning is decisive: if Savage were what he represented himself, nothing could have prevented his recovering it." Nothing certainly except the awkward circumstance of being wholly unable to attempt the recovery.

It is asserted that the child, born Jan. 16, 1697-8 to Lord Rivers by Lady Macclesfield, died in its infancy, and that at the age of seventeen or

eighteen, or not before, Savage, the shoemaker's son, assumed its name. What is meant by "infancy"? Suppose under five years: then for about twelve or thirteen years or more, no stir was made; the whole matter was at rest.

But we are told that there was a child placed by Lady Mason, the mother of Lady Macclesfield, at a school near St. Alban's; and that this child was Savage, the son of Lady Macclesfield, and grandson of Lady Mason. Is it denied that any child was so placed? or, if admitted that some child was, whose was that child, and what became of it?

Is it not a fact that Lord Tyrconnel, the nephew of Lady Macclesfield, believed Savage to be the son of the Earl and the Countess? After the quarrel between the viscount and the poet, was it ever asserted by the "Right Honourable Brute and Booby," as Savage most grossly denominates him, that he (Savage) was an impostor.

Again: It is acknowledged that the baptism of a child called by the Christian name of Lord Rivers,—Richard— and the assumed name of his mother, Smith, is entered in the registry of St. Andrew's, Holborn, on the 18th Jan. 1696-7. Has any register been found of his death; and what became of the nurse? And of the letters from Lady Mason to her? Lord Rivers died in 1712, fifteen years after the birth of this child, and it is said that then only was the Lord informed of his child's death. And it is suggested by Boswell, in justification of Lady Macclesfield, that the person who had then (i. e. at the time of the Earl's death) assumed the name of R. Savage was known to her to be an impostor; but it is also said that no impostor appeared till two years after the decease of the Earl.

It is evident from these remarks that
there remain some further inquiries to
be satisfactorily answered before we
can adopt the conclusion that Savage's
biography is a tissue of lies, and that
he made S. Johnson his dupe, and half
the world beside.
R. C.

TOOKE, JUNIUS, LORD ELDON, AND
SIR P. FRANCIS.

In the Gentleman's Magazine for Feb. 1838, p. 131, is the following quotation from Green's Diary.

*La Harpe, Art. on La Place, appended to his Lycée.—Sabatier, Les trois Siècles. ~Beauvais, Dict. Historique.

"23 Dec. 1812. I once asked Tooke, if he had a guess at Junius, but he declared he had not the slightest."

Stephens, in his Life of Tooke, vol. i. p. 415, informs us: "I have been assured more than once by the subject of this memoir (Tooke) that he absolutely knew the author" (of Junius's Letters). And in vol. ii. p. 358, "June 21, 1807. One of the company now asked if he (Tooke) knew the author (of Junius's Letters) ? On the question being put he immediately crossed his knife and fork on his plate, and, assuming a stern look, replied I do.' His manner, tone, and attitude, were all too formidable to admit of any further interrogations."

In the Gentleman's Magazine for March, 1838, p. 317, it is said, in the Life of Lord Eldon, that "A few weeks after these trials (at the Old Bailey in 1794) Lord Eldon met, in Westminster Hall, Mr. Horne Tooke, who walked up to him and said, 'Let me avail myself of this opportunity to express my sense of your humane and considerate conduct during the late trials.' " Lord Eldon, the Attorney General, had commenced his reply with a solemn protestation in the presence of God that he could look only to His support to enable him to execute his duty as he ought to the prisoner and the country.

In the margin of his own copy of the second volume of Gurney's Report of the Trial, vol. ii. p. 232, Tooke denominates this to be "A pretty protestation from a mercenary, deliberate murderer." The words are in his own hand-writing, and the book was purchased by Mr. Heber for 6l. 158. at the sale of Tooke's library in May 1813. In the catalogue it was stated to be "full of MS. notes by Mr. Tooke."

In the Gentleman's Magazine for March 1838, a quotation from Sir Philip Francis is given criticising an expression used by Tooke, “Of the first he is silent." To be silent of a thing! O thou inexorable judge of S. Johnson. With all thy grammar thou art the poorest always, and frequently the

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faultiest writer of the very language you have studied most."

This in the Magazine is merely deprecated as very hard upon a kindred spirit in politics (kindred indeed!) Had the writer recollected the following lines in Milton, he would, unvery silly. doubtedly, have pronounced it to be

To wing the desolate abyss, to spy
This new created world, whereof in hell
Fame is not silent."

"I alone first undertook

And this Sir P. Francis (the suspected author of Junius), in his examination upon Tooke's trial, deposed that he had consulted Tooke upon a plan of reform, "knowing or believing him to be one of the most learned men in the kingdom, particularly with respect to the points to which that plan had reference, namely, the antiquities, the history, and constitution of this country." vol. ii. p. 54.

Here we have Junius consulting Parson Horne!! Sir P. Francis con

sulting the poorest writer of the very language he (said poorest writer) had had more modesty than Coleridge, who studied most. Sir Philip, however, thought himself, and declares that he thought himself, a Junius and Tooke

combined.

R. C.

THE REGISTER OF MILTON'S SECOND MARRIAGE.

Poets, Milton's second marriage is In Dr. Johnson's Lives of the noticed thus:

"He had now been blind for some years, but his vigour of intellect was such that he was not disabled to discharge his office of Latin Secretary, or continue his controversies. His mind was too eager to be diverted, and too strong to be subdued.

"About this time his wife died in childbed, having left him three daughters.

"As he probably did not much love her, he did not long continue the appearance of lamenting her; but after a short time married Catharine the daughter of one Captain Woodcock of Hackney, a woman doubtless educated in opinions like his own. She died within a year, of childbirth, or some distemper that followed it, and her husband honoured her memory with a poor sonnet."

This marriage took place, and is recorded as follows in the Register of the Parish of St. Mary Aldermanbury, London.

Publications and Marriages 1656.

"The agreement and intention of marriage between John Milton, Esq. of the parish of Margarets in Westminster, and Mrs. Katharine Woodcocke, of Marys in Aldermanbury, was published three several market days in three several weeks, (viz.) on Monday the 20th, and Monday the 27th of October, and on Monday the 3rd of November; and no exceptions being made against their intentions, they were, according to the Act of Parliament, married the 12th of November, by Sir John Dethicke, Knight and Alderman, one of the Justices of the Peace for the City of London."

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THE following piece of conjectural criticism, taken from a French antiquary, affords sufficient proof that ancient geography cannot be satisfactorily elucidated without some knowledge of the places in question.

In the Roman geographical tables a river in the north-western part of France is denominated Testus Fluvius. Peutinger has given the name thus; and Dezauche, Danville, and others, not being acquainted with the locality, have copied his nomenclature. M. Poignand, (Judge at the Tribunal of Montfort,) considers that the first word should be printed as an abbreviation, testus, i. e. testaceus fluvius. The river which is so called in ancient geography, is the Couesnon, a little stream which divides Normandy from Britany.* In fact, the river answers exactly to this description; the locality (observes M. Poignand) will sufficiently indicate to whoever examines it that the word is an abbreviation, for at its mouth it is covered with shells. The error, he further remarks, has been repeated, because none of the authors abovementioned had examined the matter themselves.t

M. Poignand derives the word Couesnon from the Celtic, Coen, fine,‡ and aon a river. This etymology may appear fanciful, and the difficulty would be endless of speculating on the derivation of a word which is spelt in six other ways in old documents, viz. Coët-non, Cosnon, Coëno, Coëtnus, Cosnun, Cosmun, to which another name may be added, and that a very dissimilar one, Lerra. Such is the

* Erroneously called Coesoron in the translation of M. Thierry's Norman Conquest, vol. i. p. 27.

Antiquités Historiques et Monumentales, 8vo. Rennes, 1820, p. 111.

Qy. clear? if the locality will admit of it.

statement of the Abbé Manet, in his prize essay on the Bay of Cancale. He mentions that this river has changed its course since the inundation which took place in the eighth century. Consequently it should seem that the limits of the adjacent districts are altered, and that Mont St. Michel would else have been included in Britany, according to an old rhyme, which the Abbé has quoted,

"Si Coësnon a fait folie,

Si est le Mont en Normandy." Which may be thus rendered,— "The wild vagaries Coësnon has play'd, A part of Normandy the mount have made."

As the bay into which the river flows was formerly covered by the forest of Sciscy, it is possible that Coëtnon may be the proper appellation, since Coët is the Celtic for forest. Though indeed, if any of the above-mentioned appellatives should coincide with a Welsh or Breton word for shell or shell-fish, it would be entitled to a preference, in consequence of the Roman name having had that meaning.

While I am on the subject of etymology, allow me to ask another question. M. Manet mentions a place near Dol in Britanny, called la Mancelière, in the parish of Baguerpicau; and there is another, of the same name, marked in Herisson's map of Normandy (in the Avranchin and department of La Manche), which latter, I think I have read, gave its name to a prebend in the cathedral of Coutances. What, then, is the meaning of the word? The word Manseau (or Mancel in old French) means an inhabitant of the province of Maine : which suggests a question, whether these places were colonised by settlers from that part of France at any remote period. The family of Mansel are stated to have come into England with the

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