It is evident as we have seen and shall later see more clearly that Davenport had planned from the first to be at the head of an ecclesiastical government. He himself stated that "He was now embarked in a design of forming a civil and religious constitution, as near as possible to scripture precept and example." The people who followed him were expecting such a government. A settlement in Massachusetts would bring them under the commonwealth of Massachusetts. and perhaps under the new Governor General, who was expected from England at any time. If this came about the journey to "New Canaan" would be in vain, and the dream of an independent religious government a dream still. Thus it was that Eaton set out at once for the "fresh virgin land" beyond the Connecticut.

As has been noted Eaton and a few others set out for Quinnipiac on August 31st. They went in a pinnace and arrived at Quinnipiac about the middle of September. They examined the spacious harbor and gazed upon the wooded uplands tinted with autumnal glory. Here, far removed as it then seemed from Massachusetts, Eaton beheld upon the shores of a beautiful bay and guarded by two mighty watch towers, East and West Rock, the site of a fair city founded on religious freedom and builded "fair and stately" through the vantage of commerce north and south along the coast, and over the seas to distant lands. Here then was the "Promised Land"-Freedom for worship and commerce.

A hut was built and seven men left to guard the bay and the shores while Eaton sailed back to Boston Bay to report his choice and prepare for the removal of the company. 1* But the dreamy days of autumn were almost spent. There would be no time after the preparation and voyage to make adequate preparation for the long cold winter, so the party prepared to remain in and near Boston during the winter. They found employment according to their callings as best they could and, though separated, were still an or

1 Benjamin Trumbull, Conn., Vol. I, p. 97. 1 A. Holmes, p. 308..

ganized company. Indian runners bore messages between them and the hut on the shore of the southern bay. Thus the winter passed.

In the meantime, January 12th, 1638, Davenport and Eaton have written to the legislature of the Bay that they have concluded to settle at "Quillypiac" and intend to purchase land of the Indians. They say in part-"and have sent letters to Connecticut for a speedy transacting the purchase of the parts about Quillypiac from the natives which may pretend title thereunto. By which act we absolutely and irrevocably engage that way; and we are persuaded that God will order it for good unto these plantations, whose love so abundantly above our deserts or expectations, espressed in your desire of our abode, in these parts, as we shall ever retain in thankful memory, so we shall account ourselves thereby obliged to be any way instrumental and serviceable for the common good of these plantations as well as of those; which the divine providence hath combined together in as strong a band of brotherly affection, by the sameness of their condition, as Joab and Abishai were, whose several armies did mutually strengthen them both against their several enemies. ii Samuel, X. 9, 10, 11." 1

REASONS FOR LEAVING BOSTON

A general governor was expected from England. If they were removed from the Bay Colony they would be less liable to come under the control of this governor.

They knew Massachusetts was particularly obnoxious to the royal party in England and, therefore, might bear the main force of her displeasure, hence it were better that they come away.

They knew that the Dutch made strong claim to Quinnipiack. If the new Governor were too hard on them they might change allegiance to New Amsterdam, "whose religion would be more agreeable to them than the impositions of the English hierarchy." "

Again, England might be less inclined to divert attention to Massa

2 Joshua Atwater, Francis Brown, John Beecher, Robert Pigg, and James Hogg are all the names we have of the seven men left at Quinnipiac. One man died during the winter. His bones were found in 1750. E. E. Atwater, p. 63.

chusetts if it seemed that the colonies were scattered.

All the rich lands about the Bay had been taken.

There was in the Boston Colony too much theological controversy. Davenport feared the fatal doctrine of the Antinomions might lead his flock astray. In discussing this point, he said "The dangers of the wilderness will not unsettle men's minds as to sanctification and justification." 1

The idea from the first was an independent government based on civil and religious freedom. To settle in Massachusetts would be fatal to this project.

Finally we may add that Davenport and Eaton, as has been stated, were men of integrity and ability and of Godly belief. Their ideas of government were unlike those of Massachusetts and the Bay Colony. They had a purpose and a plan of their own from the very beginning. It is true, as we shall later see that Davenport and Eaton did not have the same visitor. but the vision of each, though unlike, was different than the vision of the leaders of the Bay Colony. When Davenport and Eaton with their company were thrown upon the hospitality of Massachusetts, it behooved them to be friendly and agreeable-to be interested in her kindly offers to appear to consider them. Also it was policy to find reasons for not accepting if it seemed that any better place could be found. So when Winthrop Jr. reported Pequod (New London) "is scarce worthy much cost," and Captain Underhill reported of "Queenpiak," "It hath a fair river, fit for the harboring of ships, and abounds with rich and goodly meadows," the decision was made in the mid of Davenport and Eaton at once.

1

Joseph Felt endeavors to give reasons for passing Pequod with its extensive harbor in the Thames which must have appealed to Eaton commercially. There is no evidence that Eaton took any note of it or visited it. Quinnipiack was reported as being the better. It was farther removed from Massachu

1 Joseph Felt, Vol. I, p. 357. 2 Joseph Felt, Vol. I, p. 358.

setts and hence less liable to be influenced by her views. Davenport and Eaton would build their city beyond the influence of Antinomions, where no doubts should harry the minds of men. Better the whispering winds through the branches of giant oaks and pines, better were the "virgin lands beyond the Connecticut"; better were the companionships of the dusky children of the forests than the discontent of religious differences. These they had crossed the sea to escape.

THE VOYAGE

Davenport and Eaton had no arguments with the people of the Bay on theological questions, but went peacfully away and made no enemies as did Roger Williams.

"A vestal state, which power could not subdue,

Nor promise win,-like her own eagle's nest,

Sacred-the San Marino of the West." Halleck.

The spring of 1638 was melting the ice from Boston Harbor when the earnest party which came in the Hector and her consort almost a year before began to make preparations for the voyage to Quinnipiack. In the original party there were some two hundred and fifty women and children, but Davenport and Eaton had so won the confidence of people that many more joined them till they numbered over three hundred. 1 Many friendships had been made in Boston Bay Colony, and as the party filed down to the boats there was sorrow among the people of the Bay.

"(It was on Friday that) Davenport and his company sailed out of Boston Harbor in the bright days of April,sailed on an even keel and with gentle breezes past the long beeches of the Bay; past the white strands and sand hills of Cape Cod; past the islands of the southern coast of New England where the warm current of the Gulf Stream with a westward sweep tempers the waters and the air; and so at

1 Bryant, Vol. II, p. 27.

All these went forth with the "Godspeed and good wishes" of the brethren of Massachusetts because Davenport sought to keep his council and go away to do as he wished.

In this band was Ezekiel Cheever

the bay and people reverence the Sabbath of Davenport and Eaton. 1

On this Sunday of long ago Davenport preached from Matthew IV, 1. "Then was Jesus led up of the spirit into the wilderness to be tempted of the Devil."

A little way apart from the company a few Indians had gathered to behold the English worship the Great Spirit and to gaze upon the women and children of the white men, for they had not seen them before. 2

Thus we have the scene-the baythe surrounding trees-the sentinel hills the rugged oak-the company at worship the "So-Big-Study-Man" as the Indians called Davenport. Grad

The next day was the Sabbath and true to all that they held sacred divine service was held under a spreading oak. Let us look at the scene- -the grim old oak (at the corner of College and George Streets)-the buds are just opening. The gnarled branches stretch out between them and the April sky. A sky darkened at times by flitting clouds. Near at hand are the blushing maples-the brown trunks of willows, farther away the dingy cedar, and over in the distance a bald, red rock looming to meet the sky; to the east another with a tuft of pines on its seamy forehead. Near at hand, dancing on the blue of the bay, two small vessels with reefed sails. Here the Calvinistic band of Puritans gathered-two Eatons, one in the robe of the English church; Davenport in Canonicals-opposite them their wives as was the custom. And this was the first Sabbath in New Haven. Though almost three hundred years have sped away and those brave forms with the oak have passed away, still loom the guarding hills, still dance the waters in

1 Bryant, U. S. Hist., Vol. II, p. 38.
2 G. H. Hollister, Vol. I, chap. 5, p. 93.

evening. The sun sank. Darkness settled over the meadows and the Bay. The first Sabbath in New Haven was ended and Davenport recorded in his journal that he "enjoyed a good day."

THE PLANTATION COVENANT

A few days later the company met in "extraordinary humiliation" and mutually promised that in all matters, civil and religious, public and private, they would all be ordered by those rules which the Scripture holds forth. This little declaration called the Plantation Covenant was short and simple in form, indeed it was almost a declaration of independence.

1

For over a year there was no other civil or ecclesiastical orgahization or code of laws than the Bible. And, indeed, what better code could there be than that book of books, a copy of which was in every man's hand and from which every man read daily to his family? 2

Then the work of planting and building began. The season was backward and the corn rotted in the ground and had to be planted the third time. Later the days grew soft and warm and the corps grew beyond all expectations. At the same time the city was being laid out four square and each man assigned a building lot according to his rank, and "fair and stately" houses began to rise. For this, as has

2 E. E. Atwater, p. 73.

1 G. H. Hollister, Vol. I, chap. 5, p. 94.

1 Benjamin Trumbull, Hist. of Conn., Vol. I,

p. 97; John W. Barber, p. 154.

2 Elroy M. Avery, Hist. of the U. S., Vol. II, p. 331.

been said, was the most opulent company which came to New England, and they would not live in less state than had been their custom in England. They were planting a capital colony. New Haven was to be a great and elegant city, with a beautiful green in the center. The house of Theophilus Eaton was so large as to have nineteen fireplaces and Davenport's house on the opposite side of the street had thirteen fireplaces. No other houses in New England were as elegant as those of New Haven and when the political events in England checked the tide of emigration a few years later, New Haven people lamented that so much of their estate had been thus spent. 1

The Puritans, like the Israelites of old, believed themselves the instruments of divine wrath in freeing the land of the idolatrous hords of Indians. 2

The Pequod War had cleared New England of one of the fiercest tribes and opened Connecticut to settlement. As peace had been declared Davenport and Eaton deemed it the wise way to purchase the land about New Haven of the Indians who might "pretend some title thereunto." Accordingly on November 24th, 1638, a treaty of mutual protection was made with Momaugguin, sachem of southern Connecticut. At the same time a purchase of the land lying between the present New York boundary and the Connecticut River was made.

Momauguin in this sale stated that he "yielded up all his right, title, and interest to all the land, rivers, ponds, and trees, with all the liberties and appurtenances belonging to the same, unto Theophilus Eaton, John Daven1 E. E. Atwater, p. 80 2 S. A. Drake, p. 204.

Joseph B. Felt, however, states that they were glad to be on friendly terms with people "who needed their guidance in revealed truth, and to whom they were desirous to impart its light and benefit."3 It is doubtful if we can accept this statement when we find that during the twenty-seven years of New Haven supremacy she converted one Indian, Wequash, and him under doubtful circumstances. He had conceived the English God to be but a "mosquito or a fly," but when he beheld the English slay 450 Pequods in an hour, he concluded their God must be a "most dreadful God." Accordingly he at length decided to worship him.

4

New Haven at all times treated the Indian with seeming justice and kindness. This was matter of wise foresight, as New Haven wanted peace and all her men and money to carry on the planting and building of her col

ony.

This land title given by the Indians was all the title New Haven ever had, and here in the wilderness, beyond the boundaries of any provincial jurisdiction she planned to build her fair city based on the Union of Church and State."

1 Benjamin Trumbull, Hist. of Conn., Vol. 1. p. 99; John W. Barber, p. 156. Also Johnston, pp. 85-87; James Grahame, p. 172.

2 E. M. Avery, Vol. II, p. 204. 3 J. B. Felt, Vol. I, p. 404.

4 E. E. Atwater, pp. 316-347.

5 E. E. Atwater, p. 326.

6 James Grahame, p. 172.

B

old, but well thought out, plans have culminated in a movement the first tangible results of which appear in the announcement that the Chicago National Dairy Show Association will hold its Fall exhibition at Springfield Massachusetts, October twelfth to twenty-first, inclusive.

Here will gather the royalty of the cattle world, and for their princely accomodation-well, look what Spring field is doing! A One-hundred and sixty-six acre tract in West Sprngfield is to be improved with every facility and every adornment at a cost of more than half a million dollars. Furthermore, this plant is intended to be a permanent centre for the Agricultural interests of New England, and a corporation known as the Eastern States Agricultural and Industrial

Exposition has been organized to carry on the enterprise. There are twentyeight sound reasons for believing in the success of this broad-visioned movement: they constitute a Board of Directors, and their names are,

Joseph A, Skinner and Frank Metcalf of Holyoke, Daniel F. Doherty and Edgar L. Gellett of Westfield, Frank L. Worthy of West Springfield, Nathaniel I. Bowditch of Framingham, Wilson H. Lee of New Haven, Alvin B. Ricker of South Poland, Me., Frank P. Newkirk of Easthampton, Theodore N. Vail of Lyndonville, Vt., and New York, Frederick G. Crane of Dalton, M. D. Munn of St. Paul, and the following of Springfield: Herbert Myrick, George M. Hendree, Horace A. Moses, George A. MacDonald, Daniel E. Burbank, Frank H. Page, Harry G.