letic capacity; truly she was an exponent of the much-advocated life strenuous. Even her vision retained its keenness, after that friendly little title of "Grannie" had long been recognized in the neighborhood as meaning Mrs. Crafts.

One pitch-dark night when she was quite sixty-five years old, she was walking home from Boston, knitting as usual. On the way through a particularly dismal region, a wagon suddenly loomed up out of the blackness, and a man accosted her.

"Madam," he called; "would you not like to ride? It is a lonely road for walking at night."

"Yes, David," returned Grannie, whose sharp eyes and ears had recognized her son.

Grannie Crafts was a quaint and locally a prominent figure in her day. Everyone knew her. Everyone liked her. She lived to a good old age, always vigorous and thrifty; always enviably bright and cheerful, as one should be whose life has compassed so unusual a romance.

(Concluded from page 67) with Howard E. Coffin, Chairman of the Committee on Industrial Preparedness of the Naval Consulting Board, and all of us, of course, will keep in close touch with the Navy Department and the War Department in Washington."

Mr. Coffin, one of the leaders of the American automobile industry, in outlining the far reaching plans of his committee, made the following statement:

"At the outset I wish to emphasize the absolutely nonpartisan nature of this work. I am not even familiar with the political affiliations of the great majority of the members of the Board or of my committee. In setting out to mobilize the industrial resources of the United States, we are concerned only with the benefit to the nation, and to that end we have called into being an organization made up of the best technical and business brains of the country, and that organization will work along business lines with strictly business methods. I think it reasonable to say that this is a movement perhaps unique in the history of national governments, and one geared up to the highest standards of twentieth century efficiency.

"It is vitally necessary that American industry be made aware of the part it must play in the national defense. Our whole conception of warfare has been changed almost overnight. Our military heads at Washington are largely, of course, graduates of the very best technical schools, have been taught the profession of fighting, and are masters of that profession. As members of the Naval Consulting Board, we are unable to tell these men how to do their work. But while these departmental heads have lived with military problems all their adult years, we on the other hand have slept and eaten and lived with the industrial problems of the country. The two questions are wholly distinct, and the masters of one cannot possibly be the masters of the other. We are confronted then with

the necessity of interlocking these two vast elements of our national life into a great working organization for the national defense. It is that which we are about to do.

"The European War has driven home to us that battles are now won not alone by fighting men but by the fighting industries of a nation. It has all come down to which country can fastest and longest supply the munitions of war to the men on the fighting line. It has come down to the question of which country can fastest and in the greatest quantity supply shells to the guns-to speak of only one item of modern warfare. It has come even to the point, over sea where the women of all classes-the wives and daughters of all classesare going into the mills and factories at Saturday noon and working in seven hour shifts until midnight of Sunday, in order that the mills may not be closed down during the day, in accordance with the agreement made by organized labor as to the period of

rest.

"Now when warfare get down to this basis, it becomes not merely a question of the ability of army and navy heads; there is brought into action every bit of industrial brains of a country in arms. We here in America must organize, and organize from now on, behind the men of the army and navy. We must make them sure that they have the full and intelligent support of American industry, and to do this we must work in time of peace and not wait until the eleventh hour strikes.

"In approaching the entire broad problem of industrial preparedness, special pleadings in oratory or in print are not sufficient. There must be a plan, and it is a very definite practical plan on which this committee has been engaged for the past three months and which is even now under way.

"There are three distinct initial steps. The first is to find out what American industry can actually produce in munitions of war. The second