COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. 80.-No. 9.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 1sг, 1833.

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POLITICAL PROSPECTS.

[Price, ls. 2d.

the end. He is carrying on the same system; the taxes are all to be kept up; we are still to pay in gold, debts contracted in depreciated paper; and, in every direction, force seems to be intended to supply the place of obedience proceeding from good-will.

During the last elections, the people were everywhere told, and in Northumberland most positively told, that a very great change of system was intended. I know a very sensible man in that counIn the address which I published ty, who spoke to a very near relation of when I went off to Long Island, after Lord Grey in somewhat these words: observing upon the violent efforts which" I hope that a very great change of the oligarchy was then making to up-" system is intended by the Minister; hold the system, and remarking upon a very great change; a very great the measures that they then seemed to " lowering of taxes and of establishhave in view by patching their affairs" ments; a very great change in the up by the means of a new issue of paper "affairs of the Established Church; a money, I concluded thus: "The pro-" total change as to pensions, sinecures, "bability is, that the thing will go on; " and unmerited pay of every descrip"that the system will be upheld by the" tion; as also in the game-laws, and "keeping on of all the taxes, by the" those other new and severe laws which " issuing of Exchequer bills as often as" are now so hated and detested by the "occasion may require; and that all" people : for," said he, "common sense "the pensions, sinecures, allowances," must tell Lord Grey that, if he do not "grants, and all other expenses, in-" make such changes, he will not only "cluding that of a thundering standing" be as unpopular as the worst of his "army, will be kept up to the last" predecessors, but more so, and a great "possible moment, till, amidst the war "deal more so; because he will have "of opinions and of projects, of inte-" the power to do the good which none "rests and of passions, the whole thing" of his predecessors have had : he will "will go to pieces like a ship upon the "be relieved from the control of the "rocks." It is impossible to look at" oligarchy, under which control all these words without being stricken" his predecessors have been obliged to forcibly by their application to the scene" rule." In answer to these observaof things now before their eyes; and it tions, this gentleman received for anreally does seem to be next to impos- swer: "You may rely upon it; you sible that the result here predicted," may make yourself quite easy upon should not be finally verified. Many" that score; you may rely upon it, times since that passage was written, I" that Lord Grey is determined to make have publicly addressed letters to Lord" a complete change in the whole sysGrey, always foreseeing, that if he lived" tem of sway." till the Pittite crew could get along no further, he must necessarily be at the head of affairs. Foreseeing this, I warned him over and over again, that, if he attempted to carry on the same system, he would be ruined in reputation, and that general convulsion must be

Now, while I know that this very near relation did say this, I believe that, at that time, Lord Grey did intend to make the changes here described. This was some time in the month of August or September. But, when he came to look at the matter more closely; when

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soul to approach his ear, with any voice other than that of dismal forebodings of the consequence of change, he appears to have resolved to make no change at all; to keep on all burdens; and to rely upon force; upon a forcible exercise of the law, rather than make any appeal whatsoever to the good-will of the people in order to obtain their cheerful submission. Accordingly, this course has been pursued. It has been pursued without any settled design on his part, or on the part of any body else to abridge the liberties and add to the sufferings of the people. It has been

he came to look into the enormous difficulties which he had to encounter; and particularly when he came to hear assailing him from all quarters, the clamours of the parties who would have been affected by the changes, he wanted the resolution to proceed. He thought it a matter of less difficulty to get along with the old system, such as it was, than to set in earnest about this extensive change. Nothing would have been more easy, as far as related to the power of making the change; but, then, there was the ruin which the making of the change would have brought upon so many thousands upon thousands of per-pursued from necessity; because it was sons who were living at their ease and impossible to carry on the system not in splendour upon the fruits of the in- only without rigour, but without addidustry of the people. To have popula- tional rigour; the expectations of the rity; to enjoy the remainder of a life of people; their expectations of a great popularity, was a thing which he must change having been so universal and so naturally have desired; but, to see the confident. Hence it is that there never ring in Hyde Park divested of its bril- was a Ministry so unpopular as this. liancy; to see "Pall-Mall East" and Formerly the Ministry always had a "Strand West" smashed before they certain party with them: however odious were hardly finished; to see the glitter- their measures, however oppressive, ing gorgets all disappear from the however severe, there was always a porHorse-Guards; never again to hear the tion of the people, and particularly of troop beaten from the score of drums people of property, to side with them; and played from the two score of musi- to justify their measures, or, at least, to cal instruments under his windows at apologize for them. This is not the Downing-street: to contemplate this case now. Those who live upon taxes, change appears to have been too much naturally approve of this resolution not for him, especially as he could not have to make any change; but even they hold under his immediate view that side of their tongues; so that, from one end of the picture which would have been the kingdom to the other, the Ministry more than a balance for this. To be- hear nothing but the voice of reprobahold the change which would have been tion of their conduct, and reprobation of produced in the house of the tradesman the conduct of their supporters. Yet, in every town in England but London, such is our situation, that there is no and in the resorts of the idlers; to be- man who either expects or seems to hold the mended lot and more moderate wish for any change in the Ministry, labour of the artizan and the labourer; who may be said to hold their places to behold the revived happiness of the because there is nobody to put into hedger and the ploughman; to see the them; and, indeed, nobody that would beer-barrel, the clock, the Sunday coat, be willing to take their places! Several the brass-kettle, the good bedding; to years ago; as many as five years, I made see these return to the dwellings of the my readers laugh by saying that, "toagricultural labourers, was a thing too wards the end," nobody would like to distant and not sufficiently captivating be Minister; and that I thought it very to weigh for a moment against the me-likely that the affair would go on, until, lancholy state of the ring in Hyde Park at last, no one would accept of an office and the smashing of the brilliant club-in the Ministry, "unless it were some houses. With this alternative of con- 66 one who stood in the need of the necessequences before him, and with not a "saries of life." Extravagant as this no

tion was in appearance, is there any wholly unexpected, that it was both man who will now say, that it was to-expected and foretold, unless the Partally destitute of foundation? After what liament and the Ministry resolved to we have seen in the case of Hobhouse; after what we now behold in the case of Littleton ; after seeing, in short, all that we have seen since the meeting of Parliament, is there any man who has a sufficiency to eat and to drink and to wear, who would be likely to testify an eagerness to get into this Ministry?

make a very great change. Unless they resolved upon this, it was clear that the two factions, or political parties which had been at war with each other so long, would join, would cordially unite; and that nothing would be done that the people wanted to have done. Even before the Parliament There are people who believe that met, it was pretty evident that the rePeel is about to join them; and I be- solution had been taken to make no lieve that he and they both wish it. It material change; and that the two paris very clear that he has been working ties had agreed to stand by each other; with them and they with him; but, and the moment a question of trial though he has helped them greatly in arose, this union became evident to all the way of voting; though he found the world. It was no longer a question fault withthem for going so fur in reducing of popularity: it had manifestly been taxes, according to the budget; though determined on to set unpopularity at he supported them in the Irish bill; defiance; and the question now is, against Mr. Attwood's motion, and in how long a Government can be carried rescinding the vote on the malt tax; on in this country under such universal absolutely to join them openly and and decided unpopularity. If the Par share in their power, is quite another liament were legally of short duration, matter. The increase of his friendship the Ministry could not go on, even now. and the decrease of their popularity Still some accident may arise to shorten have gone on hand in hand. He has its duration; and then there must, seen this, and he now sees the immense somehow or another, be an end to this amount of their unpopularity; and, state of things: the present system having apparently a very strong dislike will, in all probability last out the preto real responsibility, he can have no sent Parliament, and will last no stomach for sharing in that unpopula- longer. rity. Besides this, he would certainly lose more than half of those who have hitherto gone along with him; and, moreover, he is no more sure of being re-elected for Tamworth, than Hobhouse was sure of being re-elected for Westminster. There are all these objections to an open and official juncture between the parties; and to all these may be added, that the junction would, if possible, render the minority more odious than it is now; and if it did not diminish their majorities in the House of Commons, which it probably would not, the result would be, that the House would only share the fate of the Ministry in the opinions of the people.

There never was a state of things like this before the people all of one mind, and that mind decidedly opposed to those who rule over them. This state of things, however, is so far from being

In the meanwhile, there are collateral matters, quite sufficient to shake any Ministry that ever existed. The Bank charter may be easily got over for the present; the East India charter is a thing that men in general trouble themselves but little about; but the negro slavery question is one that would be quite enough to engage the undivided attention of any set of statesmen that ever existed. The opposition of the

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West Indian body," as they call themselves, might, perhaps, be safely set at defiance, in the midst of thousands upon thousands of petitions in favour of freeing the negroes. I have no doubt of the total inutility of this opposition, which might be, and which I dare say will be, easily voted down; but, it is by no means certain that this voting will ensure submission on the part of the colonial assemblies, the

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members of which reside on the spot, own principles, which we acted on in have their property on the spot, and the case of France, their right to interwill very coolly calculate upon this fere if they think their own tranquillity question, whether the risk of resistance endangered by our measures. The law be, or be not, to be preferred to the cer- of nations, as we have laid it down ourtain ruin of acquiescence. The scheme selves, and acted upon it, justify a state which has been propounded seems to in interfering in the affairs of its neighplease nobody: it takes the property bour, if its neighbour be making any from the planter, while it does not give changes in its internal affairs, which nafreedom to the slave: it has an hete- turally tend to produce mischief to such rogeneous mass of contrivances, which interfering state. Hence our justificait seems utterly impossible to put into tion of the invasion of France by the practice. That it endangers the very Duke of Brunswick in 1792. We ilexistence of the whites, must be seen lustrated our doctrine of interference by by every body; and that its natural ten- saying, "If you see your neighbour setdency is to stir up general discontent "ting his house on fire, you have a amongst the blacks, is quite as evident." right to go and restrain him, and to I do not believe that there is one single "put out the fire by all the means in West Indian who does not believe that" your power; seeing that he cannot it must speedily produce general con- destroy his own house, without evenfusion, and consequent bloodshed. tually destroying yours in all probabi"lity."

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The colonial assemblies, while they must see this more clearly than any body Those must know very little of the else, also see that the whites in the co- matter, who do not perceive the maglonies must be the immediate and nitude of the danger which might arise greatest sufferers: and, when they see to the United States, from convulsing the law which is now about to be pass- our colonies in the West Indies, by ed, will they obey it? I am of opinion, even the very sound of freedom, to say that they will not. If they do, anarchy nothing of the reality. I do not think and all the other consequences, will be that the United States would interfere likely to follow: if they do not, what is openly, at least for a good while. Their this Government then to do? The ques- Government would not like the odium tion is very much like the question of of going to war for the purpose of per1776. The Parliament claims a right petuating slavery; but, without apto make laws to bind the colonies in all pearing openly, they could give, under cases whatsoever; and so it did with the colour of impartiality and neuregard to the American colonies in trality, quite sufficient aid, to all our 1776. The American colonies denied islands in the West Indies. They would this right, and if the West Indian colo-have as much right to keep up an internies deny it too, are we prepared to com- course with those colonies when in a pel them by force to obey? Mr. Stanley state of revolt, as we have ever had to talked in a very lofty style about the keep up an intercourse with the colonies conduct of the colonial assemblies, and of the Spaniards in South America. about compelling their obedience. He That, too, is the very intercourse which was not aware, perhaps, of the men that he had to deal with; men who have never yet submitted to what they deemed an illegal and unjust interference in their affairs; and men who are not likely so to submit now. I do not say that the United States of America will interfere in this affair; but it is very clear that their tranquillity must be deeply affected by this measure; and it is beyond all question, according to our

the islands want: the islands would be worth ten times as much to the proprietors if they were let loose from the chains in which we hold them. We compel them to submit to restrictions enormous, without their deriving any possible benefit in return. This being the case, would it be any wonder if colonial agents were already in the United States of America, and that, before this bill can pass, arrangements would be

made with that country, preparatory to well known, that the far greater part a resistance of the law; and, if such of the estates in the colonies are very should be the case, are we prepared to deeply mortgaged to persons in Enggo to war to enforce obedience to that land, and particularly in Scotland, in law, which, at the very best, is, if it be which latter country, I believe that a carried into effect quietly, to load us great part of the banks rest chiefly on with new debts? West India security ! Now, if the

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I beg my readers, in reflecting on colonial assemblies were to refuse to this matter, to divest themselves of all obey, what would become of these their opinions and all their wishes, how-mortgages? If they persevered in reever correct and however laudable, re-fusal to obey, and if we were to atlative to the nature of negro slavery. tempt to compel obedience, this would It is not what we wish; not what ought be war; and the very first cannon that to be; but what we can do and what would be fired in that war would blot out can be; for, if the thing that ought to the mortgages for ever, just in the same be cannot be accomplished; if what we way and upon the same principle, that wish for is like wishing to be in the our war against the United States, moon; then the wishes are to he laid blotted out mortgages and debts due to aside, and we are to take the best that creditors then living in this kingdom. we can get. If, then, the colonial as-So that this is by no means a holiday semblies should think that the risk at-affair: it is not a house and window tending resistance is preferable to the tax or a malt-tax affair it is not a mischief of acquiescence, what are the power-of-imprisonment bill, or a suschances against them and what the pension of habeas corpus bill: it is an chances in their favour. The colonial attempt to compel obedience from those assemblies do not consist of blind men who have the power to resist, and who or of fools: they see very clearly the may possibly have the disposition to resist.. situation of the inother country; they The bill now brought before Parliament know who the Ministers are, very well; is, in fact, a bill for making a complete they know what are the motives that revolution in the West India colonies; animate them now; they are well ac- and, at the same time that it does this, quainted with the Yorkshire pledges; it loads England with new debts, and and, which is more than all the rest, does not, in fact, give freedom to the they know what means we have of com- negroes. This, therefore, is an addipelling their obedience. They know, tional difficulty which these most unbesides, what means the United States popular Ministers have to encounter, have of giving them succour; they and which they have brought upon know that the United States have no debt, worth mentioning; they know what force the United States have; they know how powerful the motive which the United States have to prevent this revolution in the West Indies from taking place. They are at six weeks' sail from England; and at six days' sail from the United States, and in one point, at only forty-eight hours' sail. Now, though the United States may not openly avow any determination to assist the colonies, they can assist them in so many ways and so efficiently, as to make war against the colonies on our part a most adventurous and desperate undertaking.

Besides these considerations, it is very

themselves as clearly as death was ever brought upon a man by his firing off a pistol into his mouth. It will be impossible to carry on a war against these colonies, even for half a year, without new loans to an immense amount. It would be impossible to talk of such war, without plunging the West Indies into confusion, or without incurring an eventual loss of the colonies. It may be a question with some persons whether we ought to have any colonies at all. Certain it is, the more we have got the more miserable and enslaved we have become; but, if any colonies be desirable, these are of that description. They cost nothing and they yield a good deal, and they have been useful.