THE CAREER OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

HIS CHARACTER AS A MAN-HIS PLACE IN HISTORY.

BY THE HON. GEORGE S. BOUTWELL,

EX-SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

THERE are two aspects in which Mr. Lincoln may be considered his character as a man and his place as a

historical personage.

In the thirty years since the death of Mr. Lincoln more has been written and spoken of him and of his doings than was ever written and spoken of any other American in the same period of time.

Of Mr. Lincoln's predecessors, Washington and Franklin occupy the largest space in the historical and biographical literature of the country; but in these thirty years the name, career and fame of Mr. Lincoln have given occasion for a volume of such writings quite equal in magnitude to all that has been written of either Washington or Franklin during the century which is now closing.

This peculiarity in the posthumous fame of Mr. Lincoln is realized most distinctly when we consider that his official life was embraced in the brief period of six years, while the distinguished services of Washington and the public career of Franklin alike covered the larger part of a half century.

The writers of books and essays have not created the popular interest in whatever relates to Mr. Lincoln, although these writings may have extended the interest and intensified its force. First of all, there was in the life and conversation of Mr. Lincoln a line of action and thought which attracted the "plain people," as the masses were characterized by him; and, therefore, whatever relates to Mr. Lincoln appeals to those masses, who, in America, constitute the main body of readers. In his life there was much of pathetic interest, and his tragic death raised him to the rank of a martyr in the cause of liberty.

Thus in his life and in his death, Mr. Lincoln was an attractive personality; but his chief title to enduring fame must rest upon his service, his pre-eminent service, in the causes of liberty and the Union. It is not enough to say that in his office as President the opportunity came to him to save the Union and to emancipate millions from slavery. Another man as President might have done as much; but Mr. Lincoln so conducted affairs during the period of the War that no stain rests upon him, so conducted affairs that the nation is not called upon to make explanations, nor to invent apologies.

In the methods and agencies for the prosecution of the War, in the command of the armies, in the conduct of our foreign relations, in the various projects for negotiations with the rebel authorities, in emancipation, and in the measures leading up to emancipation, he was the subject of harsh criticisms, always by Democrats, and not infrequently, and often in public, by Republicans, and by leading Republicans.

In the year 1864 a hostile manifesto was issued by

discontented Republicans, whose power, however, was exhausted by the doings of the Convention which assembled at Cleveland and nominated Fremont and Cochrane for President and Vice-President of the United States. With that nomination the power of the dissentients came to an end, and without much delay the candidates retired from the field.

Now after a third of a century, and when there is a universal acclaim of praise, it is difficult for the survivors of Mr. Lincoln's contemporaries, and it may be impossible for the newer generations, to realize the fact that Mr. Lincoln was the subject of vigorous, unreasoning criticism from his political associates, and of degrading personal assaults from his political opponents.

Mr. Lincoln was not indifferent to those criticisms and assaults: but they wrought no change in his plans or general policy, nor did they provoke in him any disposition to retaliate upon his critics and opponents. Nor did he reply to the attacks made upon his policy except when those attacks imperilled the fortunes of the country.

Of this character was his letter in regard to the arrest of Vallandigham, and his letter in which he announced his purpose to save the Union either with or without slavery. These attacks were not, at his instance, the subjects of conversation, and they produced no apparent change in his countenance, or methods, or facility for business. There was, however, at all times, when not engaged in conversation, a sadness of expression in Mr. Lincoln's countenance which was truly pathetic. This expression was not induced, however, by the War and the responsibilities of office.

It was observed at Springfield, in June, 1860, when the President of the Chicago Convention made the for

mal announcement to Mr. Lincoln of his nomination for the office of President of the United States. He replied in a brief, formal, solemn speech. The expression of his countenance was that which it wore, when at rest, during the remainder of his life.

On the first day of August, 1862, there was a meeting at the east front of the Capitol, ostensibly in commemoration of emancipation in the British West Indies. At that meeting Mr. Lincoln made a speech, and it was devoted, chiefly, to a vindication of the administration from the charge that there had been neglect in the support given to McClellan either in men or in the supplies of

war.

Again, in the early part of May, 1864, I had occasion to observe the evidence of the fact that he was not indifferent to the criticisms that had been made upon him, and especially was he not indifferent to the criticisms touching his treatment of McClellan, who, at a time, covering the year 1861 and the largest part of the year 1862, was the idol of the army and the hope of the country.

When General Grant was about to move against Lee, the President wrote a letter to Grant, in which he said, among other things, that he neither knew nor wished to know his plan of operations; but he tendered his good wishes and promised every aid which the Government could furnish.

In reply, General Grant did not unfold his plan, but in the fullest manner he expressed his satisfaction with the support that he had received, and he then said in substance, "If the results shall be less favorable than I hope and the Government expects, the fault will not be the fault of the administration."

Soon after the receipt of General Grant's letter, at an

interview with Mr. Lincoln, he took the two letters from a pigeonhole over his table and read them to me, and with special interest, as I thought, from the fact that General Grant's conduct was in contrast with the conduct of General McClellan in similar circumstances.

For several months Mr. Lincoln was subject to the assaults of the friends and of the enemies of General McClellan. For several months he retained McClellan in command and after he had reached the conclusion that his retirement was inevitable. Such was his opinion in July, 1862, certainly as soon as the Peninsula campaign was ended; and it is probable that his opinion became unalterable upon the receipt of McClellan's letter from Harrison's Landing, dated July 7th, 1862.

In that letter McClellan said:

"The responsibility of determining, declaring and supporting such civil and military policy, and of directing the whole course of national affairs in regard to the Rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by you, or our cause will be lost."

To this advice he added the declaration that "neither confiscation of property, political execution of persons, territorial organization of States, nor forcible abolition of slavery, should be contemplated for a moment."

In furtherance of these views McClellan said:

"You will require a commander-in-chief of the Army, one who possesses your confidence, understands your views, and who is competent to execute your orders. . . . I do not ask that place for myself. I am willing to serve you in such position as you may assign me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior."

The suggestions and recommendations of this letter were such that Mr. Lincoln could not fail to treat it as a