party and made vigorous war upon Tamasese. The Germans attempted, late in 1888, to disarm Mataafa's forces, and, after a skirmish, proclaimed martial law. It developed afterwards that the German consular and naval authorities, anxious to raise the German flag over the islands, had recognized Tamasese; and when the Samoans rallied to the cause of Mataafa the Germans declared war against the latter, bombarded villages, searched English vessels, suppressed English newspapers, arrested English and American citizens, and threatened to bombard Apia.

The Berlin Conference

The German Government requested the cooperation of the United States, and was told that co-operation would be given only for the purpose of restoring order on the basis of the complete independence of Samoa. In response to Secretary Bayard's protest against the subjection of American citizens to martial law, Prince Bismarck ordered the commander to withdraw the proclamation of martial law so far as it applied to foreigners. At a conference held in Berlin in May, 1889, representatives of Great Britain, Germany, and the United States guaranteed the neutrality of the islands, and gave to the citizens of the three Powers equal rights of residence, trade, and personal protection. The independence of the Samoan Government, and the right of the natives to elect their own King or Chief, was formally recognized. A Supreme Court, consisting of a single judge, to be named by the three Powers, or, in the event of their failure to agree, by the King of Norway and Sweden, was created, with jurisdiction over all civil suits concerning real property situated in Samoa, all civil suits between natives and foreigners, or between foreigners of different nationalities, and over all crimes and offenses committed by natives against foreigners. The Powers also agreed to recognize as King, Malietoa, who had been deposed; and the natives, who had meanwhile elected Mataafa, were finally induced to recognize Malietoa. Malietoa died last August. Mataafa, who had been exiled, was chosen as his successor, whereupon two of his rivals, one of them being Tamasese, filed protests on the ground of fraud. The Chief Justice, on grounds which have not been reported, declared Mataafa ineligible, and that one of the protesters, Malietoa Tanus by name, had been lawfully chosen.

Recent Trouble

The decision of the Chief Justice, who is an American by the name of Chambers, in favor of Malietoa Tanus was made on the last day of December; on the following day Mataafa's followers, to the number of five thousand, rose in rebellion, and defeated Malietoa's followers in a very sharp skirmish. They then destroyed the town of Upolu and indulged in other excesses. It is charged that the German Consul accompanied Mataafa's forces and encouraged them. The British and American Consuls adjourned the Supreme Court and locked the building. The German Consul thereupon broke open the doors and declared himself the Supreme Court. Further and more complete reports must be awaited before the exact facts are known; but it seems to be very generally conceded that the German Consul exceeded his authority, and that the English and American Consuls acted promptly, and fully within the provisions of the Berlin Treaty. The terms of that treaty are explicit. Our Government has declared its intention of insisting upon exact compliance with them, and both Great Britain and Germany have taken the same attitude; the announcement having been made from high German authority that if the German Consul has in any way exceeded his power, his action will be disavowed. There is no reason, therefore, to anticipate any difficulty which cannot be satisfactorily adjusted through the usual channels of diplomacy.

The provisions of the England in the Soudan convention between Great Britain and Egypt relating to the future government of the Soudan define the Soudan as including all the territory south of the twenty-second parallel of latitude which has never been evacuated by the Egyptian troops since 1882, or which was temporarily lost to Egypt and has been reconquered by the British and Egyptian Governments. Under the conditions of the convention, the British and Egyptian flags are to be used together throughout the Soudan, except in Suakim, where the Egyptian flag alone is to be used. The supreme authority, both civil and military, is to be vested in a GovernorGeneral, appointed by decree of the Khedive, with the consent of Great Britain, and removable only by the agreement of Great Britain and the Khedive. The Governor-General

is to have absolute power to make or to abrogate, by proclamation, laws, orders, or regulations for the government of the Soudan and for the regulation of every kind of property; but all such proclamations must be announced to the English Government and to the President of the Khedivial Council. No special privileges are to be accorded the subjects of any one or more Powers. Import duties are not to be levied on goods from Egyptian territory, but may be levied on goods from other points. The mixed tribunals are not to have jurisdiction in the Soudan, except in Suakim; and the whole country, with the exception of Suakim, is to remain under martial law until otherwise ordered by the Governor-General. Lord Kitchener has been appointed GovernorGeneral.

The Retirement of Mr. Morley

The retirement of Mr. John Morley from active and responsible leadership in the councils of the Liberal party was foreseen when he accepted the onerous task of preparing the authoritative biography of Mr. Gladstone. No biographer in modern times has, probably, undertaken a more extensive or exacting piece of work; the examination of Mr. Gladstone's correspondence alone will involve many months, and an immense amount of editorial intelligence and discrimination. Nevertheless, the formal announcement by Mr. Morley to his constituents that, although the Liberal party could always count upon his zealous and eager co-operation in the advancement of every Liberal principle, he must withdraw from responsible leadership, brings home to the English Liberalists a new sense of loss. Coming so soon after the death of Mr. Gladstone and the retirement of Sir William Vernon Harcourt, it will compel radical reorganization of the party. for working purposes. This important step on the part of Mr. Morley was probably made easier by the fact that he is entirely out of sympathy with what he calls "the prevailing spirit of jingoism and imperialism." This, he says, is opposed to all the lessons which Mr. Gladstone endeavored to teach the party and the country; and he declared that he would be untrue to himself were he to acquiesce in a policy which he thinks "injurious to our material prosperity, to the national character, and to the strength and safety of the imperial State." His view of the im

mediate future is a somber one. He believes that England is at the beginning of many and great difficulties; that the prevailing spirit of imperialism must tend to develop militarism, immensely increasing expenditures, giving a great enlargement of power for the privileged classes, and increasing the possibilities of war. With these serious words, characteristic of the honesty of the man and of his lifelong habit of frank speaking, one of the most disinterested, capable, and high-minded English public men lays down the burden of leadership. Mr. Morley was never by temperament a politician, and before he took a leading part in Liberal politics was supposed to lack popular qualities. But he has grown with his opportunities; he has become one of the most effective speakers in England; and his courage, his independence, and his intelligence have placed him in the front rank of English statesmen. Such men are rare in the public life of any country; and their retirement, even to take up important literary work, is little short of a public calamity.

A Pretender's Proclamation

The belief that it is the unexpected which always happens in France receives a new and unforeseen confirmation in the manifesto of Prince Victor Bonaparte, the head of the Bonaparte family, the custodian of the Bonaparte tradition, and one of the pretenders to the French throne. It has been said of late, and reported in these columns, that his younger brother, Louis, an officer in the Russian artillery, a man of force, and of influence at the Russian Court, was likely to become the custodian of the Bonaparte tradition; Prince Victor being a man who shirks hard work and avoids serious difficulties. But Prince Victor has apparently set at rest these reports by the publication of what professes to be an authoritative disclosure of his political views; and this manifesto is very unlike most papers of its kind. The Prince says, with great frankness, that indifference and apathy have so weakened political character in France that he will not shrink from a coup de force; and that when the time comes for action he will have the aid of his brother, who will bring to his cause military prestige and talent. It is, however, in his treatment of the Dreyfus matter that the manifesto furnishes the most striking departure from papers of this class, and possibly

makes a revelation of a new phase in the character of the Prince. A pretender must naturally look to the army for any hope of success. Prince Victor does not propose to alienate the army, which, he says, he has always loved passionately, and fails to understand why the unjustifiable attacks upon it have been tolerated. The flag, he says, must be above everything; but he adds, "I do not admit that patriotism can be accepted as an excuse for committing forgery." This is a very striking phrase from a man whose policy and instincts would naturally lead him to placate the army by going to any length; and if it really expresses the Prince's convictions, it reveals a man of greater ability than the Prince has been credited with possessing. France can gain nothing from a restoration of the Napoleonic dynasty; its interests lie in an entirely different direction; but this manifesto must be accepted as showing how far reaction against the irra tional and blind partisanship for the army has gone.

In this

connection,

Two Leagues in France and as further illustration of the movement of public opinion in France, the formation of the "Ligue des Contribuables " must be recorded-an association which proposes to protect the interest of the taxpayer against the extravagance of the French Parliament. There was a time, as the London "Spectator" points out, when such movements were directed against the executive; but in these days of parliamentary government, when the right to spend money is jealously claimed and exercised by legislative bodies, it is the latter, and not the executive, which have become extravagant. An association of a different and less encouraging character has recently been organized with the title "The League of the French Fatherland," which has published a long programme, declaring its intention to defend the vital interests of the French Fatherland, and especially those whose "glorious custody is in the hands of the French army." This League includes most of those who are opposing a revision of the Dreyfus case; and among them is to be found M. Brunetière, and a few other men belonging to the group who have recently become known in France as the intellectuels, a great majority of whom, however, are ardent agitators for and. supporters of the revision movement.

The Crisis in Hungary

The Hungarian people are wiser than the Hungarian parties or the Hungarian Parliament. The determination of the Clericals and the Nationalists to bring about and maintain a deadlock in the government of the country and in the relations of the Dual Empire has been reported from time to time in these columns. If it had not been for what appears to be the short-sighted action of these parties, united in an unnatural alliance, Hungary would have been in the position of graciously offering terms to Austria which would have given her a moral supremacy in the affairs of the Empire. The attempt of the Nationalists to inaugurate a general con spiracy for the non-payment of taxes has brought out in a striking way the public feeling against the policy which sacrificed a great opportunity. There has been a very general movement, accompanied by a very deep feeling, among the electors to pay their taxes in advance, in order to express their approval of the endeavor to secure some kind of work. ing arrangement between the two countries. Jókai, the well-known novelist, was one of the leaders in this patriotic movement, and his example has proved contagious. The Opposition, alarmed by this show of feeling among their constituents, proposed to abandon the policy of obstruction, and to let parliamentary procedure take its usual course, provided Baron Banffy, the Premier, would retire.

The Emperor has stood The Emperor's Position by the Hungarian Premier through the discussion, and would probably stand by him still; but the Baron, who is more patriotic than the Clerical or National leaders, and who has the spirit of a statesman, refuses to stand in the way, and insists that his personality shall not constitute an obstacle in the effort to secure a working relation between the two countries. On his retirement the agreement between the two States which constitute the Dual Monarchy will probably be renewed, substantially upon the former basis; a result which furnishes a new illustration of the extraordinary good luck of the Emperor, who, in the face of appalling private bereavements and incessant public difficulties, has, by tact, kindliness, and good judgment, managed to strengthen his position and to keep his discordant subjects in some sort of working relation to the State.

A Practical Radical

In commenting two weeks ago upon the inaugural address of Mayor Chase, of Haverhill, Massachusetts, we called him "the first Socialistic Mayor of the United States." It is true that Mayor Chase is the first municipal chief executive to be elected by the Socialistic Labor party; but Mayor S. M. Jones, of Toledo, Ohio, who is in National politics a Lincoln Republican, has not only avowed principles of government quite as Socialistic as those of Mayor Chase, but in his two years of administration has actually and successfully, and with the approval of the citizens, carried many of them into effect. Mayor Jones has during the past ten days been delivering in New York and Boston some addresses on municipal questions which have revived interest in his position as a Mayor, a position to which The Outlook

called attention at the time of his election.

He is a successful manufacturer in the city of Toledo, and is what perhaps may justly be called a practical radical. In his second annual message he recommends that the city of Toledo, which has a population of over 100,000, should carry out the following propositions:

The establishment of a city plant for the manufacture of fuel gas.

The control and operation by the city of the electric lighting plant.

The establishment of civil service in all depart ments of the municipality.

The enactment by the Legislature of laws that will give the city such a measure of home rule as will enable it to "bring out the best that is in its own people."

No grant or extension of franchises to private enterprise without the approval of the people.

The abandonment of the contract system on all public work, such as paving, sewers, etc.

The compilation and publication of the City Directory by the municipality itself.

The establishment of kindergartens as part of the public school system.

A larger appropriation for street improvement. The sprinkling of the streets by the city itself. The passage of the ordinance for the appointment of Building Inspector.

A larger appropriation for public parks.
An appropriation for music in the parks.
The establishment of playgrounds for the

children.

The establishment of free public baths. Improved facilities for those who market in Toledo.

The erection of a city building.

The uniting of all the people to the end that the Ohio Centennial may be made a grand suc

cess.

The revision of the city license laws.

The veto power to be abolished and the referendum to the people substituted in its place.

Upon these propositions he comments with a simplicity and a practical common sense that are too often lacking in economic treatises and discussions. As to kindergartens he urges: "Give the babies a chance. Let them have the right to choose whether they will do right or wrong. It is cheaper to establish kindergartens than to maintain courts and build jails, workhouses, and prisons." He believes that "there is nothing that serves to cement people into one common brotherhood and build up that family feeling so necessary to the real progress of a city as getting together in the public parks. The people soon partake of the feeling that the parks are their property' In the same spirit he recommends playgrounds for children. "Keep the children at play and the men at work is my plan," he says. We think his argument in favor of the municipal control and administration of such public functions as the city lighting, city water-works, street railways, city baths, city lectures and music, and the like, is worth quoting in full:

To say that we are unable to deal with a proposition of this kind [municipal gas-works] is to confess the failure of the institution that we call government; to urge that the city is unable to employ men of such ability as a private corporation can find, is belied by our experience in the management of such institutions as are now publicly owned. I refer to our public schools, our public library, our parks, our city water-works, our police department, our city fire department, and the popular argument that a certain property our city streets-all of these are publicly owned, can be managed cheaper by a private corporation than by the city is as applicable to any one of these as it is to the city natural gas department. Private contractors can be found without limit who will promise to educate our children, provide us with literature in the public library, operate the city water-works, put out our fires, take care of the streets, as they now do the work of improving them under the system of private contract, and they will agree to do all this cheaper than we ourselves are now doing it; and I think that it is as reasonable to urge that any one or all of these functions be turned over to some individual or private corporation, to be operated for private profit, as I would think of turning over for such purpose the natural gas department.

Colonel Waring, it will be remembered, was very successful in getting the co-operation of the children in some of the worst districts in New York City in his work of keep

"sense of proprietorship in the city." It is

this sense of civic proprietorship upon which Mayor Jones bases his belief in the practical quality of the reforms which he suggests.

We venture to advise those of our readers who are interested in municipal progress to write to Mayor S. M. Jones, Toledo, Ohio, for a copy of the message referred to in this article. They will find it very suggestive, and, we do not hesitate to add, very encouraging, reading.

tion is as applicable to the Philippines as to Cuba, and the passage of such a resolution would go far to abate what we believe to be the wholly unreasonable terror of anticipated imperialism.

We have already argued in these columns that the danger of imperialism is unreal. No nation ever suddenly violates its own nature. Its degeneracy, if it is degenerating, is gradual. America has had repeated opportunities for, repeated temptations toward, imperialism: by the purchase of Louisiana,

Imperialism

On April 18, 1898, Congress passed unanimously certain resolutions respecting Cuba, including among them the following:

Fourth-That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof; and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people.

Why should not Congress at the present juncture pass a similar resolution respecting the Philippines? It is not true that the people of the Philippines are and of right ought to be free and independent. They certainly are not free and independent, and it is very doubtful whether they have as yet the character which entitles them to freedom and independence. But their incapacity for selfgovernment does not affect the duty of this country to disavow any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, and control over the Philippines, except for the pacification thereof. How long it will take us to secure stable self government in Cuba, how long to secure it in the Philippines, is a matter which at present no prophet is wise enough to foretell. We are bound to remain in both places until a stable government is secured, competent to protect life and property and to administer justice. But our interests in both communities are the interests of humanity; we have no other. When these interests are satisfied, when the well-being of humanity in those islands is assured, when, in the words of the above resolution, pacification is secured, our mission is at an end. The above resolution of Congress respecting Cuba was simply an affirmation of the principles of this Government, wrought into its Constitution, vital in its life, affirmed and reaffi med ⚫at many periods in its history. The resolu

establishment of sovereignty over the Southern States; and it has always refused to avail itself of the opportunity, and always has established or re-established free, republican communities founded on self-government. It is doing this to-day in Cuba and Porto Rico. The mayors of cities, the heads of departments, the minor officials, the laborers on the public works, are, with rare exceptions, natives. Americans are confining themselves to the work of organizing and establishing free institutions founded on justice and equal rights. So far as the Administration has shown any purpose at all in the Philippines, it has shown a similar purpose. with Spain it has provided for no special commercial privileges for ourselves, but for equal commercial privileges for all the world.

In its treaty

This resolution does not deny or doubt or question our obligation to secure a stable and just government for the Filipinos, as for the Cubans, before we withdraw our armed forces from these islands; but it denies that we wish either to hold people in subjection or to possess their territory as our own. General Merritt is reported to have said that it will take 20,000 to 30,000 soldiers to keep the peace in the Philippines, of whom 15,000 should be Americans, and the remainder might be recruited from the Spaniards and the Filipinos. Upon this Carl Schurz exclaims: "The idea of engaging the same Spaniards who but recently fought us and the Filipinos at the same time to do the killing of the same Filipinos for us, or at least to terrorize them into subjection, because we want to possess their land, and to do this under the Stars and Stripes-this idea is at first sight a little startling." This is an extraordinary assumption. It assumes that we want to possess their land; it assumes that we propose to terrorize the men who own the land into subjection. It is already pretty clear that the Cuban Junta does not represent more than a fraction of the people