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in such immediate dependency on His Majesty. lt is but the common
expectation of gratitude that a patron paramount shall be more assisted
by his beneficiaries in cases of necessity than by those who receive
nothing from him but the common influences of government.”

As usual, it was easier to mark the evil than to provide an
adequate remedy. The party which numbered Hyde and Falkland in
its ranks, and which afterwards developed into that of the Parlia-
mentary Royalists, was alarmed lest a tyrannical episcopacy should be
followed by a still more tyrannical Presbyterian discipline, and, strove

to substitute for the existing system some scheme of modified epis-
copacy by which bishops should be in some way responsible to clerical
councils. Cromwell was working hand in hand with men who strove

to meet the difficulty in another way. The so-called Root-and-Branch

Bill, said to have been drawn up by St. John, was brought to the

House of Commons by himself and Vane. By them it was passed on
to Hazlerigg, who in his turn‘ passed it on to Sir Edward Dering, by
whom it was actually moved in the House. As it was finally shaped
in Committee, this bill, whilst absolutely abolishing Archbishops, Bishops,
Deans and Chapters, transferred their ecclesiastical jurisdiction to bodies
of Commissioners to be named by Parliament itself. Cromwell evidently
had no more desire than Falkland to establish the Church Courts of
the Scottish Presbyterian system in England.

This bill never passed beyond the Committee stage. lt was soon
overshadowed by the question whether Charles could be trusted or
not. The discovery of the plots by which he had attempted to save
Strafford’s life, and the knowledge that he was now visiting Scotland
with the intention of bringing up a Scottish army to his support against
the Parliament at \Vestminster strengthened the hands of the party of
Parliamentary supremacy, and left them disinclined to pursue their
ecclesiastical policy till they had settled the political question in their
own favour. Important as Charles’s o\vn character—with its love of
shifts and evasions—was in deciding the issue between them, it -must

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not be forgotten that the crisis arose from a circumstance common to all revolutions. \Vhen a considerable change is made in the government of a nation, it is absolutely necessary, if orderly progress is to result from it, that the government shall be changed. The man or men by whom the condemned practices were maintained cannot be trusted to carry out the new scheme because they must of necessity regard it as disastrous to the nation. The success of the Revolution of I688-89 was mainly owing to the fact that James was replaced by William, and in I641 neither was Charles inclined to fly to the Continent, nor were the sentiments of either party in the llouse such as to suggest his replacement by another prince, even if such a prince were to be found. All that his most pronounced adversaries—amongst whom Cromwell was to be counted—could suggest was to leave him the show and pomp of royalty, whilst placing him under Parliamentary control and doing in his name everything that he least desired to do himself. It was a hopeless position to be driven into, and yet, the sentiment of the time being what it was, it is hard to see that any remedy could be found.

Before Charles returned from Scotland, which he had visited in the vain hope of bringing back with him an army which might give him the control over the English Parliament, an event occurred which brought to light the disastrous impolicy of his opponents in leaving upon the throne the man who was most hostile to their ideas. The Irish Roman Catholic gentry and nobility, having been driven into royalism by fear of Puritan domination, had agreed with Charles to seize Dublin and to use it as a basis from which to send him military aid in his struggle against the Parliament of England. In October, I641, before they could make up their minds to act, an agrarian outbreak occurred in Ulster, where the native population rose against the English and Scottish colonists who had usurped their lands. The rising took the form of outrage and massacre, calculated to arouse a spirit of vengeance in England, even if report had not_ outrun the truth—much more when the horrible tale was grossly

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exaggerated in its passage across the sea. Before long both classes of
Roman Catholic lrishmen, the Celtic peasants of the North and the Anglo-
Irish gentry of the South, were united in armed resistance to the English

It was a foregone conclusion that an attempt to reconquer Ireland would
be made from England. Incidentally the purpose of doing this brought
to a point the struggle for the mastery at \-Vestminster. lf an army
were despatched to Ireland it would, as soon as its immediate task had
been accomplished, be available to strike a decisive blow on one side
or the other. It therefore became all-important for each side to secure
the appointment of officers who might be relied on—in one case to
strike for the Crown, in the other case to strike for the Commons.
Pym, who was leading his party in the House with consummate
dexterity, seized the opportunity of asking, not merely that military
appointments should be subject to Parliamentary control, but that the
King should be asked to take only such councillors as Parliament
could approve of. Cromwell was even more decided than Pym. The
King having named five new bishops, in defiance of the majority of
the Commons, it was Cromwell who moved for a conference with the
Lords on the subject, and who, a few days later, asked for another
conference, in which the Lords should be asked to join in a vote giving
to the Earl of Essex power to command the trained bands south of the
Trent for the defence of the kingdom, a power which was not to determine
at the King’s pleasure, but to continue till Parliament should take further

Cromwell was evidently for strong measures. Yet there are signs that now, as at other times in his life, he under-estimated the forces opposed to him. His allies in the Commons, Pym and Hampden at their head, were now bent on obtaining the assent of the House to the Grand Remonstrance, less as an appeal to the King than as a manifesto to the nation. The long and detailed catalogue of the King's misdeeds in the past raised no opposition. Hyde was as ready to

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accept it as Pym and Hampden. The main demands made in it were two: first, that the King would employ such councillors and ministers as the Parliament might have cause to confide in; and secondly, that care should be taken “ to reduce within bounds that exorbitant power which the prelates have assumed to themselves,” whilst maintaining “the golden reins of discipline,” and demanding “a general synod of the most grave, pious, learned and judicious divines to consider all things necessary for the peace and good government of the Church.” So convinced was Cromwell that the Remonstrance would be generally acceptable to the House, that he expressed surprise when Falkland gave his opinion that it would give rise to some debate. It was perhaps because the Bcmonstrance had abandoned the position of the Root-andBranch Bill and talked of limiting episcopacy, instead of abolishing it, that he fancied that it would gain adherents from both sides. He forgot how far controversy had extended since the summer months in which the Boot-and-Branch Bill had been discussed, and how men who believed that, if only the King could be induced to make more prudent appointments, intellectual liberty was safer under bishops than under any system likely to approve itself to a synod of devout ministers, had now rallied to the King.

It was, by this time, more than ever, a question whether Charles could be trusted, and Cromwell and his allies had far stronger grounds in denying than their opponents had in affirming that he could. After all, the ecclesiastical quarrel could never be finally settled without mutual toleration, and neither party was ready even partially to accept such a solution as that. As for Cromwell himself, he regarded those decent forms which were significant of deeper realities even to many men who had rebelled against the pedagogic harshness of Laud, as mere rags of popery and superstition, to be swept away without compunction. \Vith this conviction pressing on his mind, it is no wonder that, when the great debate was over late in the night, after the division had been taken which gave a majority of eleven to the supporters of the Remonstrance,

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/A1 mp) JOHN SELDEN , from the original in the Duke of Bucclcuclfs collection, at Montague HOUS6; (l)elurv_un Ic/_1) SEIIJEANT, afterwards SIR JOHN L\l:\YN1\RD, ft‘om linoriginal in the Duke of P>uccleuch's collection, at Montague House; (below on rig/in ROBERT DEVEREUX, EARL OF ESSEX. from the original in the Royal collection at VVindsor Castle; {in centre; JOHN H./\.\lPDI§N. from the original in the Royal collection at VVindsor Castle; Ia! barium} JOHN PYM, from the original by Samuel Cooper, in the collection of Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley, at Chequers Court.

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