to this visioning side? What were His times apart but this, the finding of the sight-the inner look towards the true goal-the next step towards it, the next shot for it? Once this was secured all was well with Him. He moved serenely towards that goal. He made His perfect answer to the Father's revelation, even to the cross and death. There was no deflection, no confusion, because he held the vision surely and acted out of it. His prayer and agony were largely concerned with that kind of communion with the Father that made the way clear. His acts were far from what the age expected, and flew wide of the mark His times had set for a Son of God; but they flew straight to the mark the Father revealed and made Him the Saviour of the world. And His call to us is to be less concerned with acts and more with vision. Our agonies are out of joint like the times, and partake of their confusion and wild alarms; but the inner peace of spiritual insight may be ours as it was His if we will strive unto tears and blood for that perfect answer to God that it is possible to see and make.

Let the Church and her leaders pray in a time apart: "Oh, God of Jesus Christ, and Our Father, give us in this time of sorrow and stress a true spiritual insight-a Vision for the future of the world. Take us apart with Thee until we no longer cry 'Quo Vadis'; but rather move spontaneously out in a perfect answer to Thy will through this present crucifixion to that coming resurrection of society-that reconstruction of the world after the image of Christ that is now made possible. For now, Lord, we see no longer through a glass darkly, but we see clearly face to face, that we are in Christ Jesus the sons and daughters of the God of the whole earth, and we behold a coming world of nations rejoicing in the freedom and co-operation that is the love of Christ."

WANTED: A NEW SEMINARY

An instance of the need of leadership might be found in the case of the theological seminaries. Not to mention conditions which have arisen in connection with the war, it was evident before that time that the semi

naries were not fully responding to the new needs of a new day. One of the most progressive of them was founded half a century ago under lay auspices. for the purpose largely of meeting the challenge raised by modern historical study of the Scriptures against obscurantist tradition and "orthodox" prejudice. That seminary did a pioneer work for which too much credit can scarcely be given. But new times have brought new problems which demand new solutions. Perhaps, indeed, the chief contribution which modern biblical criticism has made to the Church and to the world has been that of releasing from an accretion of traditional interpretation the essentially social genius and challenge of the Christian religion. By focussing attention upon the circumstances under which the various books which form the "divine library" were composed, that criticism has given the Church of today a new comprehension of the problems which confronted the various authors of the Bible. From this has emerged the vital fact that the questions with which the lawgivers and prophets of Israel, Jesus and His disciples, were concerned were not individual problems merely, but problems which affected the whole range of the society with which they were familiar. In other words, the so-called higher criticism has resulted in the emergence of the social gospel and the social problem as related to the Church.

This has been perceived with increasing clearness by the more thoughtful and forward-looking section of the Church, and the attempt has been made to relate the organization called Protestant Episcopal in some vital fashion to the pressing needs of the time, in co-operation, so

far as possible, with other Christian bodies and with governmental and volunteer agencies of social and moral reform and reconstruction. While considerable thought has already been given to the methods whereby the Church may effectively serve society, comparatively little attention has been devoted to the reconciliation of Christian theology with the matters in hand. Teachers and writers there have been a few in our ranks who have attempted the task. Dr. Nash's "Genesis of the Social Conscience," and "Ethics and Revelation," looked in this direction without being systematic statements. In other religious quarters two or three efforts of a similar character have also been made. One of these, Dickinson's "Christian Reconstruction of Modern Life," published some half-dozen years ago, unfortunately did not receive the wide attention it deserves as an attempt to bring the Christian consciousness and conscience into relation with the needs of today. Another recent effort, Gerald Birney Smith's "Social Idealism and the Changing Theology," registered a distinct step in advance, squarely posing the problem, if not furnishing a solution. Within the last year the lamented Rauschenbusch has put forth the first serious and systematic formulation of a real social theology, which, however, like every other first attempt, has its

limitations.

So much by way of indicating something of what is needed. What answer are the seminaries of our Church making to the challenge? Is the solution to be sought along the retrogressive lines of ecclesiasticism and sacerdotalism, or in a revival of the truly prophetic spirit and function of Christianity? If the Episcopal Church is to remain true to its spiritual lineage from Hosea, Isaiah and Jeremiah, from whom the Master drew a large part of His own inspiration and passed it on to the heroes of his faith through twenty centuries, it must

not only endeavor to do the will of the Lord through social service comprehensively and vitally interpreted, covering as that does the whole round of human life, but must also undertake a reasoned defense of the new-oid faith which is in it. In this task and mission our seminaries should be not laggards but pioneers. We need today a new seminary which will do for the cause of Christian social service and a truly social theology what the seminary above mentioned materially assisted in doing on behalf of a free though devout interpretation of the Bible an interpellation which, as indicated, has resulted in the emergence, after long obscuration, of the social gospel itself.

This time of war may not be the time for such an enterprise, but as the days of peace inevitably draw near, it behooves the Church and its educational authorities in general to take thought of the need herein presented. This is not to deny that many, if not all, of our seminaries today have made an effort to introduce into their curricula single courses or departments along the lines above suggested. These new departments, however, have been incidental rather than primary. What is here in mind is that some seminary should be found or devised which would devote its chief attention and energy to the task of reconciling an awakened social conscience and consciousness on the part of organized Christianity with its educational practices and ideals and its traditional theology. The need is fully as much for a clear and systematic formulation of the new faith that is in us as for ways and means of its practical outworking, though these of course must never be forgotten and must be progressively insisted upon as the days elapse. If it is not at present, or in the near future, possible to devote some one seminary to this task, at least it would seem as though one of our theological schools might be willing to introduce a three

years' course in the principles and methods of Christian social service as found in and drawn from not only the Bible, but Church history through nineteen centuries, with full recognition, at the same time, of the technical methods developed by social science on its more secular side.

THE WAR FUNDS DRIVE

It seems to have been determined that that the next appeal to the patriotic generosity of the public will be a single drive for the Red Cross, the Y. M. C. A., the Knights of Columbus, and Jewish War Societies' funds combined, the proceeds to be divided between these organizations according to a pre-determined schedule. This is very sensible. In times of peace, generous individuals choose the charities to which they will contribute and it is better they should. They will give more if they give where they are personally interested and convinced. The necessity of convincing the public keeps the administrators of the charities on their good behavior. At the present time and in relation to war objects, these considerations do not apply. All these agencies are supervised and their usefulness is guaranteed by the government. The public wishes to give to all alike. Nobody feels like singling out the Red Cross as such or the Y. M. C. A. as such. We all wish to give to the war needs of the government all that we can. combined drive will get all that the people can give, because the people are zealous to do all that they can to support the republic in danger.

THE NEXT LIBERTY LOAN!

The

The American people will respond enthusiastically to the nation's appeal to subscribe for the Fourth Liberty Loan. There are still great and untouched resources of wealth in America. There are still many possibilities of national thrift. In fact,

America has hardly yet begun to practice retrenchment, as retrenchment is possible for a prosperous people. The pleasure uses of automobiles have to be restrained by a government proclamation to save needed gasoline. A searching retrenchment would stop motoring for pleasure, of course, just as it has long ago put a stop to the use and even the sale of pleasure cars in England and France. People can dispense with pianos and Victrolas and many amusements that seem necessary in peace. People can and must accept less service and do more for themselves. If we will try to retrench we can. After the war America may and it is much to be hoped that she will have learned some of that Old World thrift which has always been so conspicuously absent here. The American woman, in particular, has been féted and petted like a spoilt child. Women are doing their bit in all kinds of war work and in industry. It may be harder for American women to learn to economize than to learn to work. Yet that, too, is one of the lessons of the war. We must and will give till it hurts. Meanwhile, let every one realize his own individual responsibility.

son

NO PEACE WITHOUT VICTORY

In less than an hour after the delivery of the official text of the Austro-Hungarian proposals for an informal discussion of peace conditions, and in a reply of less than one hundred words, President Wilrejected the Austro-Hungarian proposition. The country will be united in the support of the President in this matter. As to the manner of it, it was magnificent. For our people and for the Allied peoples, nothing could be more tonic or more useful than just such an unswerving directness of refusal. We want someone to say for us that we are going to see this thing through. Mr. Wilson has certainly said it.

We do not want peace while it must be

a German peace. That is an absolutely logical corollary of our attitutde against militarism and all the despotism, treachery, and cruelty that is involved in militarism. The moment is not yet come for an Allied peace. Even granting that the Germans have failed in the West, and assuming that for peace they would make to the Allies great and apparently generous concessions in the West, the situation in the East is still such that peace at this moment would leave Germany in a position from which, within less than a generation, she could dominate the world. For be it understood this peace, like all treaties of the past, will bear some close relation to the existing situation and the existing situation. in the East is still most favorable to the Central Powers. The Allies need time to stir the glowing embers of discontent. and revolution from Siberia to Croatia, to reconstitute some sort of Russian resistance and to break down Germany's hold on the East of Europe. The Allies need time to pursue their advantages in the West, until Germany, driven from Belgium and France, hears the thunder of war in the borders of the fatherland. Then, when the Germans really begin to fear and to know the doom impending on their own devoted cities and fields and industrial and mining centres, then and not before it may be possible to dictate an Allied peace that will make the world safe for democracy. Militarism will not be discredited among the millions of Germans and Hungarians until militarism has been proved a failure on the battlefield. The Germans must be made to fear the present, before the rest of the world can hope to escape the fear of the future.

to treat submarine crews more severethan other prisoners of war, Germany made England desist by reprisals against English prisoners of war. A horrified world is beginning to ask, cannot the threat of reprisal be used to stay the devastation of France and Belgium by the armies of the Central Powers? When the war began the horror of this unusual waste and ruin was initiated by the Germans. Louvain, Namur, Rheims are names that will not be forgotten by civilized nations for centuries. When Hindenburg, in 1917, arranged his first strategic retreat, villages and farms were destroyed, fruit trees girdled; even the fine historic castle of Coucy was reduced to dust and rubbish, and everything was done to ruin the region evacuated beyond restoration. Now the Germans are retreating again and we are reading with renewed horror of the burning of Noyon and the destruction of Ham by bombs exploded by electricity.

The Allies will not treat German women and children as the unspeakable German forces have treated women and children in Belgium and France. It would be a poor revenge to ruin the cathedrals of Cologne and Mayence in reprisal for Rheims and Soissons. There are, nevertheless, reprisals, not quite excluded by the self-respect of the Allied nations. German factories, machinery, mining plants and industrial works in general might well receive a return of devastation for the waste spread through fairer and more truly civilized lands. We are beginning to ask why do not the Allied nations threaten reprisals. Let it be understood that if any more cities are wasted by the Germans in their retreat, the Allies will, should they eventually be able to accomplish it, dig down Berlin to the ground, melt up the ugly statues, carry off the wealth and the art treasures, and sow the place of the Hunnish capital with salt.