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Acknowledgment is due to the editors of The Forum, The American Citizen, and The Canadian Magazine, for permission to incorporate in this volume the articles contributed to those publications. I am also indebted to The Outlook for permission to use as an epilogue to this book Mr. Hamilton W. Mabie's article on
“ America and the Far East," appearing in its issue of August 2, 1913.
It gives me great pleasure to state that the encouragement and co-operation of my friend, Mr. Frank Putnam, of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, as well as the sympathy of my wife for the cause for which I am labouring, has been largely responsible for the preparation of this humble book.
K. K. K. New YORK,
OUR NATION'S DUTY TO JAPAN
O other nation stands so close to the Japan of today as America. One reason for this is the funda
mental cosmopolitanism of both. Fundamental because racial elements are fundamental and both the American and the Japanese are racial mixtures. In Japan three great human stocks are blended, the Malayan, the Mongolian, and the Aryan. Our own blend is more discrete perhaps in that there are more blood strains represented, yet also more homogeneous because the Aryan stock so largely predominates. Thus on either side of the Pacific we have the two most composite peoples facing each other. Because most composite, therefore most largely human and as a consequence more vitally related.
Another reason for the natural intimacy of these two great peoples exists in their love of peace. Since the United States became an independent nation it has had three foreign wars, and all of them of minor nature, though of large importance in their outcome. These wars were forced upon us and were not of our choosing. We have been the great arbitrating world-power. Our situation, our traditions, and our line of development make
Peace-Loving Japan Japan's history also has been remarkably pacific. Since the emergence of the nation upon the arena of Eastern
Asiatic history its foreign wars have been almost negligibly few. Way back in the third century of our era Korea was subdued by the Japanese, who later were expelled. In the thirteenth century a Mongolian invasion, the only occasion when Japanese soil was violated by foreign foes, was beaten back. Though Japanese freebooters ravaged Asiatic commerce, no further war occurred until the sixteenth century, when Hideyoshi conquered Korea a second time. Then from 1624 until 1853, when Commodore Perry landed, Japan kept herself absolutely free from all foreign intercourse, except with the Dutch in the harbour of Nagasaki. In 1894 and again in 1904 Japan was forced into war, first by China and then by Russia. So much for external relations, how about domestic history? Ages of bloody conflicts, first between the Japanese and the aboriginal peoples, next between rival clans, marked the story of the development of Japan's feudal system, but from 1600 until 1868, when the Emperor was restored to power, the nation enjoyed internally nearly three centuries of profound peace. There is in the history of mankind no brighter narrative of tranquillity than this in connection with a people of abounding virility and enterprise. Japan's record is beyond question not that of a war-loving nation. This race certainly resembles our own in devotion to peace.
Young World Power Aided A third reason for deep friendship between these neighbours lies in America's great services to Japan. In 1854 Commodore Perry returned to Yokohama on his second visit and opened the country to intercourse with the world. Our nation followed up this kindly office by showing every possible consideration to the new-born child in the family of Powers. We sent as our repre
sentatives the noblest we had-men like Townsend Harris and John A. Bingham. They dealt justly. We returned the Shimonoseki indemnity. We negotiated fair treaties and stood with Japan against all Europe in support of her demand to be relieved from the injustice of extra-territoriality. We opened our schools and colleges freely to her young men and treated them like brothers. We poured our missionaries unstintedly into her cities and lavished large sums in establishing all manner of educational institutions. No step of the young giant toward adulthood among world Powers was ungreeted by the encouraging plaudits of America. In the dark day of war with Russia we were her nearest friend and our President helped more than any other single force in securing the brilliant settlement. Up to the conclusion of that peace not a cloud had darkened the intimate, noble, and unselfish friendship of these two great peoples.
A Nation's Gratitude And Japan appreciated it. No such ardent gratitude has ever gripped the very heart and life of a nation as love for America has the soul of Japan. Whatever Europe might do in its selfish schemes, America could be depended upon to be both fair and kind. The belief of this people in us has been one of the ideal things in the realm of international relationships, unique in human history. Its depth was reflected a few years ago by Admiral Togo in a speech made in one of the Pacific Coast cities, where he exclaimed that his nation would sooner commit harakiri than fight America. That is a sentiment which only one acquainted with Japanese honour can understand. It belongs to the realm of the Cross.
Sinister Interests But with the conclusion of the Peace of Portsmouth, America began to change. It is now openly charged that this change has been deliberately engineered by commercial interests which would profit by war—those terribly sinister interests that throughout the European world also are goading the nations on to ever larger armaments. This charge seems plausible. It is the only explanation that adequately accounts for the strange growth of suspicion in America during the past eight years. Events have followed fast. First came, seemingly from nowhere, the suggestion that Japan was sure to menace America and that a war was inevitable. Next the California school excitement, a press-fanned blaze, scorched both nations.
Peace Dove Versus Battleships Here President Roosevelt faced the greatest moment in his career. As a threat to coerce California, he declared that he would champion a measure admitting Japanese to the privilege of naturalization upon equal terms with Europeans. Whatever be the opinions of our fellow-citizens concerning Colonel Roosevelt, on one thing all must agree, that he has rare political vision. He saw with unerring insight the one inevitable solution of the difficult and delicate situation between the two nations. Japan with admirable patience had borne the unjust and irritating implications that our law, making her people ineligible to American citizenship, carries. Her statesmen refused to raise the question, trusting to the Christian character of our people as certain to right the wrong some time. But the injustice was there and its sting was felt, though borne in the spirit of the friendship that ani