Each collateral line, when fully extended, reaches to "trinepos," who is the sixth descendant in each line. If desirable to trace the line beyond him, he is made a new starting-point in the description, namely, "fratris trinepotis filius," and on to "fratris trinepotis trinepos," who is the twelfth descendant of my brother. In like manner, in the ascending series, "tritavus" becomes a new starting-point, which gives first "tritavi pater," the father of tritavus, and on to tritavi tritavus, who is the twelfth ancestor of Ego. This exhausts the capacity of the nomenclature of this admirable system. It will be observed that consanguinei are bound together in virtue of their descent, through married pairs, from common ancestors; that they are divided into a lineal and several collateral lines; and that the collateral are perpetually divergent from the lineal. The relationship of each person to the central Ego is accurately defined, and preserved distinct by means of a descriptive phrase. With the exception of the primary terms of relationship, which are those for father and mother, son and daughter, brother and sister, grandparent and grandchild, and husband and wife; and with the further exception of the terms for uncle and aunt which are found in the Sanskritic, Hellenic, Romaic, Germanic, and Slavonic stock-languages; and also with the exception of nepos and its cognates, which has an eccentric use, the remainder of the system describes persons, leaving the relationship to implication. As before stated, the system, in its immediate origin, was purely descriptive. The Erse and Gaelic, which have no terms for uncle, aunt, nephew, niece, or cousin, is more strictly than the Roman the typical system of the Aryan family. This system will be dismissed without further explanation, as the table will sufficiently illustrate the fundamental differences between this form and the classificatory which is next to be presented. II. System of Relationship of the Malayan Family. The Malayan is nearer the primitive system of relationship of the human family than any other hitherto discovered. This is a necessary inference from the fact that it is simpler, and therefore older, than the Ganowanian and Turanian systems, which prevail among the great body of the American Indian and Asiatic nations. It is also evident that the Malayan could not have been derived from either of the other forms, whilst both the Ganowanian and Turanian might have been, and presumptively were, engrafted upon an original form agreeing in all essential respects with the Malayan. It is a classificatory system as well as the most simple and elementary form of that system. The only relationships recognized are the primary. All consanguinei, near and remote, are classified under these relationships. Each term is in common gender; sex being indicated by adding the words Kä-na for male, and Wä-hee-na for female. A full knowledge of the system may be obtained by passing through the several lines, and observing the relationship of each person to the central Ego. In the lineal line we have Ku-pu-na, grandparent, Ma-ku ́-a, parent, Kai-kee, child, and Mu-pu-na, grandchild. The relationship of brother and sister is conceived in the twofold form of elder and younger; and there are double terms for each relationship, one of which is used by the males and the other by the females, as follows: Elder brother, male speaking, Kai-ké-ä-ä'-na. Female speaking, Kai-ké-nä'-ne. For husband and wife the terms are respectively, Kä'-na, and Wä-hee'-na. In the first collateral line, my brother's son and daughter are my son and daughter, each of them calling me father; and their children are my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandfather. My sister's children are also my sons and daughters, and their children are my grandchildren. The same is equally true whether I am a male or a female. In the second collateral line, my father's brother is my father; his son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder or younger, and I |