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powers, he would make an honourable reparation for that aggression. The objection to the previous reparation resulted from the existence of the proclamation of the President, which prohibited the ingress of British vessels in our waters. This proclamation being considered an act of retaliation by the British, was the principal bar to the adjustment of our differences, with that nation, and Mr. Rose returned home from an unsuccessful mission, expressly formed to afford satisfaction for the injury we had sustained. The embargo had been laid previously to the time of Mr. Rose's arrival in the United States; it was continued for more than a year, and the last publick documents which were pub. lished by our government, left Mr. Munroe and Mr. Canning perfectly at a loss how to proceed. All negociation had terminated; and the proclamation of the President seemed the insuperable objection to a continuance of the correspondence on the subject of the Chesapeak. In the mean time a law passes through congress, interdicting to all publick ships and vessels of France and Great-Britain, the entrance of the harbours of the United States; and authorising the President, (without any reference to the Chesapeak)' in case either France or Great-Britain should so repoke or modify her edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States,' to renew our trade with the nations so doing. The proclamation of the President was thus virtually repealed ; and an intimation was sent out to the British govenment long before the act passed, of the intention of congress to place both the belligerents upon terms of equality, in respect to aggressions committed.

The British ministry took a sudden advantage in this favourable turn of affairs to offer an honourable reparation for an unauthorized attack upon a national ship, a reparation which but for the interference of a mere punctilio, would have been as ample eighteen months ago. As this difficulty was voluntarily removed by our own government when they placed both nations upon an equality, we cannot subscribe to the propriety of the opinion of Mr. Secretary Smith, that this equal. ity is a result incident to a state of things, growing out of distinct considerations. Surely the distinct considerations' here alluded to, are not the decrees of France, for they had existed before the embargo was established. It is very difficult to understand the nature of these disa tinct considerations. The embargo certainly had proved ineffectual in all its branches of coercion, and it is perfectly idle to attribute the unwillingness of Great-Britain, to offer the proper reparation for her aggression on that ground.

The real truth is, that the Orders in Council, had become to all intents and purposes a dead letter. Whilst the last decrees of Napoleon continue in force, the orders have only an obnoxious effect without producing any real advantage. For after they are repealed, we are just as badly situated as we were before, in regard to the olonial trade

Great Britain found it useless to persist in continuing a measure which France was enforcing in her behalf, and of which her enemy would justly experience the odium, in the event of a repeal of the Orders. It is obvious, that Great-Britain has seized a most excellent opportunity to make a favourable impression on the minds of the American people ; and without making a single sacrifice either of her rights or her interests, the British ministry will be able to silence the opposition in par. liament and create a friend in America, whilst the French West-India commerce will be completely blockaded, and her own decrees will prevent her participation in any other neutral trade.

It seems very probable that Napoleon will take occasion to consider the equality with Great-Britain upon which he is placed in the nonintercourse act, as such a cause of offence as to induce him to condemn all the American property in France; and when he learns our differences with Great-Britain are accommodated, he may feel inclined to declare war against us. If so, Great-Britain, has a double triumph ; since she has publickly declared herself the ally of any nation which should be in open hostilities with France. That it is the policy of Great-Britain to produce an enmity of this kind will not be denied ; and the method she has taken to produce the end seems sufficiently probable : for what will be the state of things ? England will blockade the French West-Indian possessions, and thus prevent us from obtaining any colonial produce from her enemy, whilst she secures her own West-Indian interests at home; she is on friendly terms with us only by sacrificing Orders which had become a nullity, and making honourable reparation due for an act, an adjustment of which had been prevented by the interference of a mere punctilio. France on the other hand, finds herself shut out from the whole commerce of the world ; and now that Great-Britain has settled her American dispute, Napole. on will find his own navy interdicted as much as that of England was subsequent to the affair of the Chesapeak. This will naturally rouse his rage against us, and hatred to his foe; but where his animosity will fall is difficult, perhaps impossible, to determine.

THE STATE ELECTIONS.

THE federalists have once more gained a victory in the elections of Massachusetts ; but the greatest trial is yet to be endured. The Governour and Senators are already ours; the Representatives must be made so. The arguments of which the de. mocrats make use are not the less powerful among the people,

because they are intrinsically defective. The plausibility of political vice, like a base coin, will not readily be detected without analysis. By the seductive appearance of the wanton, she often-, times eludes the discovery of her abandoned profligacy; particularly when she excites the passions. We have every thing to lose by this election, our comfort, importance, honour, and political security. The inextricable confusion,' which would ensue from it, would involve us in perpetual uproar. The times therefore, demand the exertions of all our influence, all our talents, and all our resources, to arrest the progress of fatal delusion in political opinions, and the influence of such variable winds of doctrine, as may swing the state government from her moorings. The arguments, the cavils, the insinuations, the misrepresentations, the falsehoods of our opponents, should be answered with fairness, repelled with truth, opposed with dignity, and controverted by facts. The late fortunate events, which have taken place in regard to our most vital interests with foreign powers, will be turned to party misrepresentations and exaggerations, and produce their full quota of errours and lies in the democratick papers.

We shall consider it a permanent duty to undertake the consideration and refutation of all such palpable errours, subtle insinuations, and petty arts, of which, by what we have already observed, we are soon to discover an ample quantity. That the dignity and utility of this employment may not be denied ; let it be recollected that the very Lord Grenville, now so much extolled by democracy, was formerly engaged in a work, together with Mr. Canning, the express object of which was to refute the falsehoods, unfold the baseness, and expose the cunning of the papers in opposition to Mr. Pitt. Though the success of the Anti-Jacobin, in England, may perhaps afford no security of the success of a similar attempt in this country, from various reasons, yet it is manifest, that the multiplied falsehoods, with which the democratick columns are polluted, require as effectual a remedy as ever they did in that country, and perhaps have as powerful an influence upon publick opinion. It may be thought necessary to confine ourselves generally to such subjects as may have an immediate influence on the approaching ele&tion ; but we shall expose errours on general politicks or which relate to more remote events, as well as such as call for our immediate interference.

Vol. 1.

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AUSTRIAN AND FRENCH TROOPS.

THE cloud of war which begins to rise in the western horizon of Europe, has perhaps already burst upon the countries it overshadows, in a torrent of desolation and carnage. The Austrian armies under the Arch-Duke Charles, one of the best generals of the day, under a new system of tacticks, which that officer has introduced since the last unhappy contest in Germany, from which anxious Europe has fruitlessly expected her emancipation and her safety, are probably at this moment struggling against the victorious forces of Napoleon. Austria has not been able to exist as an independent state, since the treaty of Luneville, the dismemberment of the coalition in 1805-6; or rather the want of affinity and cohesion in its very materials, has placed her in a situation in which she cannot exist without dishonour, and in which she cannot continue to exist without manifest danger. Notwithstanding (the predictions of Gentz, in 1806, that the unconquered powers of Europe are no longer at liberty to run counter to their interests, and the confederacy must continue to exist from the nature and force of things, yet Austria alone, of the powers then unconquered, seems the only one willing to resist the concentrated torrent of the French power.

If she had risen with all her might six months ago, the desponding world could then have hoped for success; the Spanish patriots would then have been materially relieved from the pressure of the whole weight of the French empire, and Europe might be again reanimated and awakened from the sleep of death. Our hopes are now feeble indeed, and the abilities of the Arch-Duke, the new system of tacticks, the necessity of aggressive hostility with which Austria must be impressed, together with our most ardent desires and impressions of the justice of her cause, cannot afford a gleam of expectation by which they can be enlivened. When the energy of one man is considered, who wields the most formidable power which the modern world has ever seen ; when we think of the promptitude and decision with which this power is made to operate ; and on the other hand, the weakness of a distracted cabinet, the inferiour numbers of the Austrian troops, and their continual defeats, when opposed to the French, we find such drawbacks on our desires, that all ideas derived from mere favourable aspect of the cause, are to the last degree sickly and inanimate. The following character isticks of the Austrian, compared with French soldiers, extracted from a celebrated work, entitled Chara&ere des armés Européene, will perhaps be generally amusing at this critical moment.

• The French soldiers who are more active, more enterprizing and ready in availing themselves of every advantage of ground, will hang round bodies of men that are much more numerous than thiemselves ; they molest, harass, and advance upon them by means of the smallest shelter. The Austrians, in the mean time, preserve their rank and file ; but their oblique firing has not the least effect upon men who are either scattered about, or advantageously posted; while every discharge of the latter, being levelled at a considerable body, cannot fail of telling. When the Austrians advance, the riflemen withdraw, but return to the charge as soon as the Austrians retire again : the Austrian troop is thus harassed by an enemy that keeps out of its reach, and whose numbers, upon looking at the extent of ground which they occupy, appear more considerable than they really are. This method of fighting continues until the losses they have experienced, and the inutility of resistance, produce discouragement and confusion; and at length, the troops, overwhelmed with fatigue, and thrown into disorder, either disperse, or Jay down their arms. The French who would not have dared to meet these same Austrians in open field, have often defeated and taken thou„sands of them with some hundreds of men only; for the instant their ranks are broken, the Austrians become like a flock of sheep dispersed, and incapable of reuniting. The coolness of the Austrian is inexplicable. The humiliation of surrendering their arms does not seem to af. fect them any more than the dangers of a battle. One would suppose, in considering their indifference, that it was nothing but the finale of a pantomime or ballet. The Austrians carry their fear of being outflanked or turned, to a degree which is at once ridiculous and extravagant; it might indeed be called a national disorder or weakness. They fancy themselves outflanked, or enveloped at the very moment in which they might surround those who have had the rashness to outrun them. This excessive apprehension disconcerts their plans, and drives them to retrograde movements at a time when, in order to beat the enemy, they have only to advance upon him.'

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