in many ways it may be useful to the mother country to have her people employing their energies and their capital in the formation of new communities. If they could be as profitably employed at home, we may be assured that the misery which ever attends an emigrant would not be braved by him. The capabilities which the new country possesses enable him, by industry, to maintain himself, to increase his substance, and to provide for his family. The present great difficulty once conquered, his future is more assured than it would be at home, and his children grow up with feelings of attachment to the adopted home of their parents, which is, probably, their natal place, and is their home, in short. But in countries destined to be great, to grow into powerful and increasing communities, there will never be found any means of acquiring sudden wealth and extravagant fortunes. There, where steady labour is needed to live and to thrive, will be found the habits which are needed to make a great people. The gold that lies in the soil of California, or is found in the mines of Potosi, may for the moment attract cupidity by holding out the promise of vast and sudden wealth to the adventurers who seek those lands; but in these auriferous regions, useful colonies, the solid foundations of great nations, are not to be created, unless the soil shall cease to afford gold, and the mines come to yield only a scant return to labour and to capital. In the gradual progress which is won by steady labour, the mother country which is wise will see her most promising return for the protection she has afforded; for the assistance she has given to her adventurous sons, who

have dared the difficulties of creating a new community in a wild, uncultivated region. As the new community grows, the wants of the inhabitants increase also, and with them the desire and the power to purchase the commodities which the metropolis can produce more easily and more cheaply than the colony for itself. Thus a new market is created for the produce of the mother country. Trade between people so intimately related is sure to arise, and needs no coercive laws to force it into being. With unfettered trade there will arise a community of interests and of feeling. Instead of hostile and envious rivals, we shall have made willing and friendly customers, into whose ports we can enter without restriction and untaxed; who will not be desirous of placing upon our productions the check of a hostile tariff, or eager to refuse to us the benefits of an untrammelled comIf in a spirit of true liberality we regulate our whole conduct towards the new nations which our people from time to time create, they in their turn will deal generously and in a spirit of friendship with us. But if we permit the narrow views of a protective policy to be the guides of our system, and by restrictive laws thwart and check the energy and ingenuity of the growing communities while subject to our sway; if we force upon them the monopoly implied and really expressed in the shibboleth of "ships, colonies, and commerce," we prepare our colonies for a race of rivalry and hostility when they are able to cast off our dominion. Unfortunately this course we have hitherto pursued, and we see the fruits in the conduct of the United States. We taught them, while colonies, to believe restriction wise

merce.

policy, and we proved to them that we were selfish enough to insist upon a cramped and restricted trade, though it was plainly mischievous to the colonies, and though it was at every stage of their history strenuously resisted by them. They naturally believed what we taught, and imitated the example which we had so pertinaciously set. The doom, however, of this protective policy is sealed. We are bound, if wise and just, to begin at once, and give the world a proof of our sincerity, by establishing with all our colonies, in every part of the globe, a perfectly free trade; by allowing to the whole world free access to our colonial ports. We thus shall lay the sure foundations of a lasting intercourse by means of a thriving, because unrestricted

commerce.

The object of all the succeeding inquiries of this work will be to ascertain in what way the mother country can best use her powers, in order to create thriving communities of her own people in the territories which she possesses in various parts of the globe, but which are now in a state of nature-the wild home of a few wild tribes-how she can most easily convert a howling wilderness into the secure home of a busy, thriving, happy people.

That she can do this without expense I believe, and shall, I think, be able to prove; and to that proof I now apply myself.

The English, with much self-complacency, call themselves a practical people; and so calling themselves, they are accustomed to search for precedents, as a means to regulate their conduct. This looking for

precedents, and trusting to authority, means, in so far as it is a wise mode of conduct, simply inquiring whether mankind have already had the teaching of experience upon the matter in hand, and whether there are records of this experience, from which rules of conduct for the future may be deduced. Knowing this habit of my countrymen, I naturally, for my own teaching, as well as the persuading of others, have inquired, what examples history offers on the subject of colonization? To ancient history, the philosopher and the scholar may refer with advantage and with pleasure; but the practical politician had better confine himself for the most part to modern experience, and even, if possible, to English experience. Fortunately, there are ample records for his purpose and records of a most special and useful character. We have the means, if we so wish, of comparing the modes adopted by different nations in similar regions, and in similar countries. As for example, the mode pursued by France in her vast North-American territories, with that adopted by Englishmen in the same regions, though in a more restricted field. But we are able to compare the different modes adopted by the same people in the same regions, or by the same people in different regions. As, for example, Englishmen in Massachusetts, and in Maryland and Carolina, and Englishmen in Sydney. The experience and the records of it are so vast and multifarious, that a selection becomes absolutely necessary; and this selection I purpose making, in order to lay before the reader an authority for the conclusions to which I have arrived, and to which I ask his assent.

TWO SYSTEMS OF COLONIZATION.

17

Of the examples, then, which modern history affords, I have selected two, both of which have been distinguished eventually, and the first, after various fortunes, with success; and in this first example, there will be seen almost every possible scheme attempted, but success attending only one condition of things, and attending just in proportion as that condition was adopted or departed from.

The conditions upon which success thus depended, were the existence, first of self-government and self-maintenance, and next of free trade. Where there were complete self-government, and an entirely unrestricted trade, there success, even with an adverse soil and climate, was most rapid and extensive; where there was no self-government, there was no success; where there was self-government, but so far checked as a restricted trade implied, there was only a partial, and slowlyadvancing improvement. The authority in favour of this statement is so extensive, as to create difficulty only by its profusion. I shall content myself by advancing some of the more remarkable portions of this evidence.

The two examples of which I speak, and which I intend now to instance, are as follow:

1st. That of England, when she established in America the thirteen colonies, which afterwards became the celebrated United States of America. They were 1. Virginia; 2. Maryland; 3. Massachusetts Bay; 4. Connecticut; 5. Rhode Island; 6. New Hampshire; 7. New York; 8. New Jersey; 9. Pennsylvania; 10. De

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