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was much more in them of the circumstances which belong to a modern English colony, than can be found in any colonies of Rome. The iron lords of Rome thought only of extending Rome as Rome-the dominant, enforcing, tyrannous Rome. Greece did not seek this end. There was in her colonies the kindly, gentle feeling of the mother city-a word which we have adopted with the feeling which it enunciates. That gentle, kindly tie, we also wish to exist, and we endeavour to create it. Now, then, let us look to Greek experience-let us look at the great colonies of Sicily, and let us overlook the injustice done to the aborigines-the Sikels and the Sikans as we overlook the aborigines in Asia, Africa, and America. That we-we Englishmen-do so, cannot be denied; and it is nothing but a base, shuffling hypocrisy that attempts to hide this fact. I acknowledge it; and I say, that for the mass, the sum of human enjoyment to be derived from this globe which God has given us, it is requisite for us to pass over the original tribes that we find existing in the separate lands which we colonize. When the European comes in contact with any other type of man, that other type disappears. Let us not shade our eyes, and pretend not to see this result. Hypocrisy is by such a proceeding added to all the evils which we must encounter. The result is the same.

The aborigines disappear.

The Greeks afford us a remarkable example, if we read their history with carefulness, and with attention to things, and not to words. What says their latest, and, though Thucydides has written their story, I may say their most thoughtful historian-one who brings to his

task a remarkable combination of qualities-one who in these days of progress has been a merchant-a pupil of a philosopher-a democratic representative of the people-and is a scholar-need I say, that I mean Mr. Grote? What, then, is his statement as regards Grecian colonies? The concentration of the Greek Sicilian colonies was complete. The outlying and hostile population forced them to a remarkable concentration. The land was fertile, the climate exquisite, the people of the finest type the world has ever known; and when I say so, I take the Anglo-Saxon type into the comparison. What does Mr. Grote say of the Sicilian colonies of Greece?

"Their progress, though very great, during this most prosperous interval (between the foundation of Naxos, in 735 B. C. to the reign of Gelôn at Syracuse, in 485 B. C.) is not to be compared to that of the English colonies in North America; but it was nevertheless very great, and appears greater, from being concentrated, as it was, in and around a few cities. Individual spreading and separation were rare, nor did they consist either with the security or the social feelings of a Greek colonist. The city to which he belonged was the central point of his existence, where the produce which he raised was brought home to be stored or sold, and where alone his active life, political, domestic, recreative, &c., was carried on. There were dispersed throughout the territory of the city small fortified places and garrisons, serving as temporary protection to the cultivators in case of inroad; but there was no permanent residence for the free citizen except the town itself. This was, perhaps, even more the case in a colonial settlement, where every

thing began and spread from one central point, than in Attica, where the separate villages had once nourished a population once politically independent. It was in the town therefore, that the aggregate increase of the colony palpably concentrated itself-property as well as population-private comfort and luxury not less than public force and grandeur. Such growth and improvement was of course sustained by the cultivation of the territory, but the evidences of it were manifested in the town; and the large population, which we shall have occasion to notice as belonging to Agrigentum, Sybaris, and other cities, will illustrate this position."*

Here then we have an instance of a very peculiar concentration-and that, too, of a people in every particular enjoying a high state of civilization, and themselves intelligent, active, brave, and prudent.

Still the

historian, well versed in modern as in ancient history, as familiar with the adventures of Raleigh as of Archias -as conversant with the story of Virginia as of Syracuse,† declares that the progress of these Grecian colonies, though eminently successful, was not to be compared with that of our North American colonies. If then they were inferior to the thirteen old colonies, how much inferior must they be to the seventeen new colonies

* Grote's Hist. of Greece, vol. iii. pp. 487-8.

+ Mr. Grote is evidently attentive to all that is going on around him at the present moment, though he be no longer member for the city of London. The historian of Greece watches, as he ought to do, the fortunes of England. He is not less intent upon the fate of New Zealand than upon that of Sicily. See p. 486, vol. iii., of the Hist. of Greece.

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which have been founded since 1783. Why should we then suppose that any peculiar and magical effects are to be attributed to concentration; and why should we attempt, by legislative provisions, to enforce a concentration, which private interest would not induce? why should we coop people within a rigid circle of restraint, who desire to follow the suggestions of their own hopes and anticipations and, under the influence of this powerful stimulus, to brave all the difficulties of the wilderness, and to extend the area of a civilization, imperfect if you will, yet still far superior to anything which these wild regions ever yet knew? There may be loss, there may be folly, there may be disappointmentyet, after the struggle, there will be found a town, a district, a people of civilized beings, securely placed, and enjoying happiness which they could not hope for in their ancient state-and there will be seen to be the broad foundations of a thriving, self-supporting, and constantly improving community. These surely are great results, sufficient to compensate us for the petty inconveniences to which, undoubtedly, the inhabitants of every rising community are subject, in which land is cheap, and labour highly rewarded. We should, however, remember the fable of the lion and the man. Ask a working man what he thinks of this state of things.

Having thus described the administrative and legislative machinery, we proceed to the next step in the government destined for our new community.

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COMPOSED-POWERS OF CIVIL LIST-LAND FUND TRADEDISPUTES RESPECTING POWERS-THE CHURCH-EDUCATION.

Now, let us suppose our SETTLEMENT to have existed five years, and that, its census having been at the legal time completed, the number of its inhabitants is found already to exceed ten thousand. It now becomes the duty of the governor, in obedience to the provisions of our Act of Parliament, to notify to the Secretary of State that the population of the SETTLEMENT of ( ) now amounts to the number, say, of eleven thousand souls.

The Secretary of State, also, in obedience to the Act, publishes that fact in the next Gazette, and notifies that, in consequence of this increase of the population, and in pursuance of an Act passed in the year of our Lady

the now Queen, the said SETTLEMENT of now become the PROVINCE of (

(

) has

), and entitled

to all the rights and privileges by the said Act conferred. The Settlement is now the PROVINCE of (

).

We have seen that, in the case of the territory of the United States passing from the condition of a Territory to that of a State, and becoming a portion of the great federal Union, an act of Congress is needed; and the people themselves frame their constitution. This mode of proceeding is hardly compatible with the relative position of a colony and its mother country; and would, besides, be in some measure disagreeable to the people of this country, because opposed to their customary habits

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