colony, and is that which will be kept in view throughout the following pages. The present work, in fact, is an attempt to turn that relation to use for both the parties concerned.

If we advert to Ceylon, and inquire why it is that we do not consider it a colony, we shall find that there is no belief on our parts, or on that of any one else, that there are wild or unoccupied lands within the island, which are fit for, or likely to receive, any body of English settlers who will go there with the intention of founding a new community in that distant country, transmitting the language, the habits, and the manners of England to generations yet unborn, who will there find a country and a home, but who will always look back to England as their origin and parent. The tribes who now occupy Ceylon are so numerous, that very little land is left for a new comer; and even if there were large unsettled territories which had no owners, yet the climate almost precludes the possibility of planting there an English population.

If on the other side of the globe we look to the United States, we shall find there all the elements necessary for the complex notion of a colony except one. The relation to the mother country no longer exists. ceased to be colonies.

They have

Taking, then, these conditions, such as here described, we are to inquire in what way, under what system, can we render useful both to the mother country and her colonies that tie and relationship-that peculiar dominion which is understood when we speak of OUR COLONIES and our COLONIAL EMPIRE.

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CLASSIFICATION OF ENGLISH COLONIES.

The colonial dominion of England must, for my present purpose, be viewed under two separate aspects. We have colonial possessions lying in various parts of the globe, forming distinct systems, or countries. Each of these systems must be considered by itself, and with regard to the interests and circumstances peculiar to each. But there are certain matters which are common to all these separate systems which can be well discussed together, and general rules established concerning these common interests, before we come to the specific considerations which belong to the distinct divisions of our colonial empire.

What is here meant by distinct systems, may be best explained by making at once the division intended to be adopted when the more specific detail is given:

1. Our territories in North America, all lying north of the United States, including Newfoundland, form one system.

2. Australasia forms another separate system.

[By Australasia I mean the whole of the vast island sometimes called New Holland, and also the island of Van Diemen's Land, together with all the islands which cluster round the coast, both of New Holland and Van Diemen's Land.] 3. South Africa forms also one.

[By South Africa, I mean all that we do, all that we may, acquire at the southern end of the continent of Africa. We have already an immense and fertile territory there, which promises to increase.]

4. New Zealand.

5. The islands commonly called the West Indies, together with Guiana, and our territories on the

main in that part of South America.

6. Borneo, and our possessions in our possessions in the Indian Archipelago.

My present work relates exclusively to the four first mentioned of these systems.

The principles which I shall endeavour here to establish are applicable, in my opinion, to all these territories.

The West Indies, and the other territories which I include with them, are, in many essential circumstances, different from these, and require for their proper management a different system or arrangement of the powers of government. To frame such an arrangement for them would not, I fancy, be difficult. But at present, I lay them out of consideration; not because they are unimportant possessions, but simply because I have enough before me, in the task which I have undertaken. The peculiar modification and complication of interests existing in the West Indies would require a volume to themselves, if they are to be satisfactorily provided for.

So, also, I put aside, and for similar reasons, Borneo, and the circumjacent territories possessed by us. Our knowledge of those countries is besides so scant, that we are yet ignorant of the uses to which they can be turned. I intend, therefore, not to discuss any question relating to them, or the interests connected with them.

The subject matter, then, of the present work is the plan of government which ought to be adopted for the

four separate territories which I have above described

and named; that is to say

1. British North America.

2. Australasia.

3. South Africa, and

4. New Zealand.

These territories, though they lie in very distant parts of the globe, the one from the other, are in many important particulars alike. They possess, all of them, similar attributes and capabilities, which render them to England valuable, and the principles according to which they ought to be governed are alike. While they thus in their distinctive characteristics resemble one another, they are in certain other things unlike each other. The mode, then, of treating the question of their management suggests itself naturally :

-

1. The principles which are common to all of them

may be treated of, once for all-and this explanation and discussion will serve as a proper preliminary to the,

2. Second exposition, which will relate to those circumstances which are peculiar to each.

[To prevent mistake, let me observe now, that when I use the word colony, without any further explanation, I mean the colonies comprehended in the four above-named territories or colonies exactly like them in all those essential particulars which have led me to class under one head the different possessions which form the subject matter of the present work.]

FOUNDING AND MAINTAINING COLONIES.

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The statements which will be given in the first of these two proposed expositions ought, in my opinion, to be embodied in an Act of Parliament. They will be found to constitute a general plan of government for the class of colonies of which I treat, and require to be put into an authoritative shape in order to produce the effect which I anticipate. Should the opportunity be afforded to me, this Act I purpose framing, so that it may be submitted to the scrutiny of Parliament.

Of the second and more specific details and exposition, I shall not be able to give more than relate to British North America. Time must determine whether I can fill

up the sketch here made.

Before we endeavour to frame a polity, there ought to be in our minds a clear conception of the ends we seek to attain and this preliminary question, on the present occasion, is-What are the purposes for which we plant and maintain colonies?-Why do we seek, why do we keep, at a great expense of trouble, of wealth, and of blood, our colonial empire?

This question is the more important on the present occasion, because there are philosophers and statesmen, of no mean authority, who consider our colonial possessions an unnecessary burthen. They believe them to be costly and mischievous additions to our dominionsmaintained partly from pride, and partly from a false notion of gain resulting from them. They assert, and truly, that hitherto our colonies have been to us a source of constant quarrel with other nations, and of unprofitable expense to ourselves; and they say, that it would be better for us to be without colonies, than to keep