and have kept alive a party struggle based upon more than the spoils. State issues, also, have affected the political cast of the city. Such being the case, Tammany's resources have been various and most cleverly applied. Its chiefs refrained from actively supporting the manhood suffrage agitation until the public voice in the entire State for the change grew unmistakably strong; and then, with great enthusiasm, they thrust themselves forward as its leaders. They resisted De Witt Clinton's policy of internal improvements until they realized its overshadowing popularity, when they suddenly favored giving for that object so large an appropriation as to make Tammany Hall appear a better friend of State canals than Clinton himself. Tammany could not buy off the sincere leaders of the Workingmen's party in 1829, but it drew off that party's support by championing some of the measures loudly demanded, and thus on through many instances. In other crises, when the opposition proved unusually strong, Tammany's leaders played the game so well that the opposition, instead of combining against the Wigwam, were split into separate, independent parties at war over some National question of principle, or some local question of expediency; the inevitable result being that Tammany, with its compact organization, won again and again. Without recalling occasions in the remote past the local campaign of 1897 may be noticed. Had the Citizens' Union and the Republican party combined on candidates, they would have had a clear majority of all the The reasons for their not forming this combination will not be set forth here; but some of the facts, as privately told, form an interesting chapter in the story of the superior crafty handiwork of Tammany's chiefs.

votes.

A more momentous question with which Tammany has now and then had to grapple has been the almost equal division of the city's Democratic voters in contending organizations; for one of the main pillars of the Wigwam's strength lies in its pretensions to represent the National Democratic party locally. This phase operates to bring to its support a body of voters not connected with its organization, but voting, solely out of party considerations, the "regular Democratic ticket " it presents. When a great rival Democratic organization-not a mere personal factionarises, then the problem assumes a most serious phase. This was especially so from 1880 to 1886, when the County Democracy gathered to itself about one-half the local Democratic voters. In the campaign of 1886, Tammany's "boss," Mr. Croker, made a brilliant flank move by choosing, as Tammany's selection for mayor, Mr. Abram S. Hewitt, the County Democracy's candidate; thus allying the two organizations for the time, and preventing by this and other means the election of Henry

George. Later, the County Democracy was completely wiped out by some of the means heretofore indicated.

This constant display of sagacity has been reënforced by other energies. When necessary and possible, Tammany has not failed to resort to ballot-box stuffing, the bribing of voters, and fraudulent naturalizations and canvassing. The specific instances of these are so numerous and so thoroughly matters of record that an enumeration would be superfluous. The other parties have not been above these practices, by any means; the difference having been simply one of degree and opportunity.

Lastly, and in order of importance, comes the matter of organization. Tammany was the first of all political voting bodies to learn that organization means unity and system; carrying with it the strongest possibilities of contributing to consecutive successes. That lesson has been widely diffused; but nowhere else in the world is there such a perfect piece of political mechanism as Tammany Hall. The reason is twofold.

First, there is the Tammany Society, which antedates the organization, and from the year 1811 has owned its own building. The question of quarters, therefore, has never been a disturbing problem. Other parties and factions, born in the enthusiasm of the moment or times, have found the matter of a central headquarters a serious proposition. A few individual leaders have grown tired of supplying funds and of meeting other contingent expenses. The Republican party, it is true, has its local, central meeting-place; but this cannot be compared to the Tammany Hall building, with its many facilities for political action. Moreover, Tammany Hall has its traditions of Democracy; and the poorest voter knows that it has been the rallying centre of the masses from time out of mind. The possession of its building has been of tremendous advantage in elaborating the organization. Not only has convention after convention been held there, but political committees or bodies could meet there every night in the year, if necessary. The value of this desideratum alone will be apparent when it is recalled that Tammany has passed through some very adverse times, with either a low exchequer or an empty one.

The other reason is the character of the organization itself. From the time of its inception, in 1806-8, it has been self-perpetuating. Originally, the voters in each ward chose a ward committee of three, the ward committee constituting a general committee, which had the power of convening all public meetings of the party and of making preparatory arrangements for the approaching elections. The size of the general committee increased with the number of wards, and in 1843

was further enlarged by being based on the election precinct instead of the ward. Still further increases were made during and since 1873. This Tammany Hall general committee now includes over 5,000 members. The action of the general committee was backed by the correspondence, finance, and nominating committees. The latter was composed of seven delegates from each ward, and was the predecessor of the modern nominating convention. These committees were elected for one year; and no sooner did they step out than their successors took their places.

Here was a superb organization, moving, year after year and day after day, with a unity, consistency, and effective system unknown before in politics. Through this machinery every party voter was reached. The general committee knew to a nicety how many votes could be depended upon, how many were doubtful, and how many hostile; and it could take measures accordingly. At first the solidarity of the organization was insured by the popular feeling, already described, that it was necessary to combine against the designs of the aristocratic party by selfinterest in the form of the expectation or retention of the spoils. Subsequently since about 1840-the latter consideration became the alldominant one. In contrast to this cohesive organization, the Federalists met only sporadically at banquets, and relied upon the power of their money and superior position in society; though the Whigs did adopt a weak imitation of Tammany's organization in the thirties and forties. But at no time has there been anything approaching a permanent duplication of the Wigwam's "machine."

Where, before Tweed's time, Tammany's affairs had been administered by a clique of leaders, Tweed managed to concentrate almost absolute power in himself, by controlling the general and the other committees and the Tammany Society. As Grand Sachem of the latter, he could turn out of the Tammany Hall building any faction disputing his sway; and, though that faction might later make nominations, it would lack the prestige of "regularity." With Tweed, then, began the absolute "boss" dynasty; the present representative being, it need hardly be said, Richard Croker.

The Tammany organization of to-day is developed to a high pitch of political perfection. Every one of the thirty-six assembly districts in the Boroughs of the Manhattan and the Bronx has its leader, and each of the 892 election districts its captain. All the voters can be reached in a house-to-house canvass within twenty-four hours, if necessary. There are standing committees on finance, printing, correspondence, nat

uralization, and organization, each of which thoroughly does the duty assigned to it. The general committee meets monthly, and once a year goes through the form of holding a county convention. It is through the executive committee, however, composed generally of the district leaders, that the "Boss" issues his decrees. Above all, Tammany is never at a loss for funds. All Tammany office-holders and many other city employés are expected to contribute. The annual fund from this source alone may be conjectured when it is stated that the city now has about 60,000 employés. All candidates for office are assessed heavily. Gambling-houses, pool-rooms, saloons, and other places also contribute lavishly, as well as corporations of all kinds, and individuals who find it convenient not to incur the hostility of the ruling powers.

In addition, the Tammany Hall organization is made more effective by its social activity. It admirably adapts itself to the environment of each neighborhood, and comes into direct touch with the people. Its leaders give annual dinners to the poor of their districts; they get this or that man out of trouble; if a poor widow is in danger of being dispossessed her case is seen to; "jobs" are distributed; entertainments are held for the benefit of struggling churches; and a thousand and one other varieties of assistance are rendered to the needy. All this, of course, is done selfishly, with a view to strengthening the leader and the organization in the districts, and much of the money used comes from sources that would not bear investigation; but the simple fact of its being done affects powerfully certain classes of voters. This element of human sympathy has more effect with them than all the lofty manifestoes issued by committees or bodies with whom they never come in such personal contact. GUSTAVUS MYERS.

POE FIFTY YEARS AFTER.

In the history of American authors there has probably not been a life of more pathetic interest than that of Edgar Allan Poe. Indeed, misfortune seems to have pursued him to his grave; and even after his death his memory was unmercifully traduced. Griswold's spiteful and vicious attack in the memoir prefixed to his edition of Poe's works set the fashion, which, except in rare instances, has been followed somewhat blindly. But here and there a few brave writers have dared to offer a word in defence, and to state the facts, even at the risk of being voted biassed and narrow of view. Some essayists, however, emboldened by these sporadic efforts, have recoiled to the other extreme, and by their unbounded admiration of everything that came from Poe's pen have done his cause quite as much harm as those who shamefully defame. him. Needless to say, somewhere between these two extremes lies the region of truth. Wholesome advice is contained in the maxim Ne quid nimis; and this motto will furnish us a safe guide in literary as well as in political controversies.

It is wellnigh impossible to give a just and correct estimate of an author either during his life or immediately after his death. Proximity to a beautiful landscape distorts our view, and prevents our receiving a correct and adequate impression of its beauty. We must get the proper perspective and view the landscape from a point not too near, on the one hand, or too remote, on the other. Surely, then, after the lapse of half a century we may turn our glass upon Poe, in the hope of obtaining a fairer and more adequate view of the author's genius than was possible on the part of his contemporaries.

Poe's detractors have indicted him on the charge of gross immorality. To be more specific, they have said that he was an habitual drunkard, an ingrate, a scoffer, and a libertine. Now, it is not the purpose of this paper to defend Poe against the charge of occasional drunkenness. Not even his most ardent admirers, unless so utterly biassed as to be incapable of appreciating an established fact, would, I fancy, attempt to exonerate him from this accusation. But, while it is true that Poe indulged