in this broad land make use of iron in all kinds of labor? The 4,000,000 men that have been freed recently are laborers, are producers, not manufacturers. They are not men of skilled labor; they evidently are not the men who are protected. And then there are the men in the Northwest who produce corn, wheat, oats, pork and beans, &c.; they are producers and consumers, and are not protected; and it is they who pay this large amount of money into the pockets of the manufacturers of this article. And when a gentleman stands upon this floor and tells me that this high, this extraordinarily high tariff is for the protection of the laboring men of this country who are not skilled laborers, I tell him I do not understand how he can possibly substantiate such a theory.

The late EMORY A. STORRS, of Chicago:

Finally, what is a tariff? It is a tax. It is nothing less and nothing but a tax. It is a tax which we do not pay to the Government; for where protection begins revenue ceases. The consumer is impoverished, the Government is not aided. Judge THOMAS M. COOLEY, of Michigan, in "Constitutional Limitations."

Constitutionally a tax can have no other basis than the raising of revenues for public purposes, and whatever governmental exaction has not this basis is tyrannical and unlawful. A tax on imports, therefore, the purpose of which is not to raise revenue, but to discourage and indirectly prohibit some particular import for the benefit of some home manufacturer, may well be questioned as being merely colorable, and, therefore, not warranted by constitutional principles.

Representative BENJ. BUTTERWORTH, of Ohio:

Every nation that is worthy the name is seeking to enlarge the area of its trade and commerce, to enlarge the opportunity to buy and find new markets in which to sell.

Senator JUSTIN S. MORRILL, of Vermont :

The tariff was intended to be revised, so that there should be some reduction in the cost of living. It was obvious from the first that woolens and wools would have to submit to their fair, equitable, and just share.

LEVI P. MORTON, April 5, 1880:

Mr. TOWNSHEND, of Illinois, moved to discharge the Ways and Means Committee from further consideration of House Bill, No. 5265, and that the same be passed. The bill was as follows:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That sections 2503, 2504 and 2505, of Title 33, of the Revised Statutes of the United States be revised and amended so that the duty on salt, printing-type, printingpaper and the chemicals and materials used in the manufacture of printing-paper, be repealed, and that said articles be placed on the free-list.

The result was ayes 112, nays 80; not voting 100. Among those recorded as voting aye is LEVI P. MORTON, of New York.

REPORT OF THE TARIFF COMMISSION, 1882:

The Commission became convinced that a substantial reduction of tariff duties is demanded, not by a mere indiscriminate popular clamor, but by the best conservative opinion of the country, including that which has in former times been most strenuous for the preservation of our national industrial defences. Such a reduction of the existing tariff the Commission regards not only as a due recognition of public sentiment and a measure of justice to consumers, but one conducive to the general prosperity, and which, though it may be temporarily inconvenient, will be ultimately beneficial to the special interests affected by such reduction. Excessive duties, or those above such standard of equalization, are positively injurious to the interest which they are supposed to benefit. And in the mechanical and manufacturing industries, especially those which have been long established, it would seem that the improvements in machinery and processes made within the last twenty years, and the high scale of productiveness which has become a characteristic of their establishments, would

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permit our manufacturers to compete with their foreign rivals under a substantial reduction of existing duties. The average reduction in rates, including that from the enlargement of the free list and the abolition of the duties on charges and commissions, at which the Commission has aimed is not less on the average than 20 per cent., and it is the opinion of the Commission that the reduction will reach 25 per cent.

JOHN B. HAY, of Illinois, March 14, 1870:

Resolved, That it is the sense of this House that our present system of taxation is exorbitant and needlessly burdensome, and that a reduction of taxation is demanded, both of tariff and internal taxes, to the lowest amount consistent with raising revenue sufficient to meet the ordinary expenses of the Government, to discharge the interest of the national debt, and to maintain the national credit; and that a tariff for revenue with duties properly adjusted must necessarily afford all the advantage to which any interest is entitled.

March 14, 1870, S. S. MARSHALL submitted the following:

Resolved, That the present depressed condition of the business and the various industrial interests of the country demand of Congress prompt action in relieving the people of all burdens of taxation not absolutely necessary to provide for the wants of the Government economically administered; and that in reforming existing tariff laws legislation should be based upon these principles:

First, That no duty should be imposed on any article above the lowest rate which will yield the largest amount of revenue;

That the maximum revenue duty should be imposed on luxuries, etc.

On a motion to lay this motion on the table Garfield, Hale, Hawley and Allison voted in the negative.

Senator P. B. PLUMB, of Kansas, Jan. 17, 1883:

I do not ask that any duty shall be increased. No one raising anything within the State of Kansas and no manufacturer in that State asks for an increase of duty on anything. We do ask that a ring-if I may use that expression without offence-a collection and combination of interests located upon the eastern frontier of this country, near to the seat and source of power, easily accessible to tariff commissions and easy to get their ears, shall not have their own way about everything of this kind, entirely irrespective of the sections of this country remote from the seat and sources of power.

Mr. President, some of us has got to be consulted before this bill finally passes, and some of us will be consulted after the bill has passed in regard to the reasons for the action or non-action taken. I say now to the persons who have the run of this thing, to those who have had control and are better posted, and have been able by arts and by various processes to do those things which were not thoroughly understood-I beg of them to consider that the people are watching this proceeding and that they want no higher taxes, but lower taxes, and that in giving the protection for American industry they want to give a decent chance to a class of people who, by reason of their calling, cannot be protected at all, but who have got to take their chances in the markets of the world for their products, hard products to raise, expensive products to get to market, and in the production of which there is the smallest margin of profit.

I was talking with a farmer from Massachusetts to-day about this thing. He said he had as good a farm as there was in the old Bay State, and yet he said that he could barely make both ends meet, and he complained to me that one of the reasons why he could not do so was because everything else that surrounded him was so much protected that it simply took the difference between profit and loss in his calling and left him a very slim chance indeed from year to year.

In 1867 JOHN SHERMAN said:

It is, therefore, simply an absurdity to talk now about free trade tariff, and to talk about a protective tariff is unnecessary, because the wit of man could not possibly frame a tariff that would produce one hundred and forty million dollars in gold without amply protecting our domestic industry.

Senator JOHN SHERMAN, 1882:

These taxes ought to be left as a part of our permanent system of taxation as long as any other taxes, internal or external, more oppressive, remain on the statutebooks.

I do not hesitate to say that there is a general desire among all classes of our people, without regard to party, that the remnants of the internal system shall be swept away, except on whiskey, tobacco, and beer.

This tobacco tax, of all others, is the easiest collected, the most certain, increasing constantly from year to year, dependent upon an appetite that will be indulged no matter what may be the tax; a tax that has been more stable than any other. No amount of tax likely to be put upon tobacco will prevent its being chewed and smoked and snuffed. In all other countries where taxation prevails this is a favorite subject of taxation. * I say the tax on tobacco does not diminish the price to the farmer who raises it. And I say we are throwing off a tax, which, by the judgment of all nations, is the best source of taxation.

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In 1867 JOHN SHERMAN said:

The luxuries are mostly contained in the items spirits, wines, and tobacco These are undoubtedly the first objects that should be taxed.

And in 1870 JOHN SHERMAN said:

And these two taxes on spirits and tobacco, together with the tax on fermented liquors, over $6,000,000, are paid without complaint in every part of the United States.

On March 16, 1871, Mr. BLAINE said on the floor of the House to B. F. Butler: "I was in favor of the repeal of the coal tariff and the gentleman was not." Maine delegation solid.

JAMES A. GARFIELD, July 6, 1866:

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* * "But I would like the attention of the gentleman for one moment. I recollect to have seen a man attempting to bail out a boat that had no bottom to it; and for every pail full he poured out of the boat of course another pail full came right into the boat again. Now when people propose to protect the production of an article by putting the duty upon it so high as to crush out its use in other manufactures, they are but pouring the water out of the boat to come right in again."

JUSTIN 8. MORRILL, May 8, 1860:

There are no duties proposed on any article for the simple purpose of protec tion alone. The highest duties in the bill are proposed for the purpose of revenue The manufacturers might get along with lower duties, but we require the revenue JUSTIN S. MORRILL, July 17, 1861 :

I believe that the duties on most articles are put too high.

JUSTIN S. MORRILL, June 2, 1864:

Reporting a bill

This is intended as a WAR MEASURE, A TEMPORARY MEASURE, and we must as such give it our support.

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In making an estimate of the effect of such a WAR tariff as is now proposed, it is important that we should bear in mind that as we increase the tax on any article we diminish the number of those who will be able to consume it.

CHAPTER XII.

THE PRESIDENTS ON THE TARIFF.*

EXTRACTS FROM ANNUAL AND SPECIAL MESSAGES, SHOWING THE OPINIONS WHICH HAVE BEEN HELD ON THIS QUESTION.

WASHINGTON'S EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 7, 1796.

Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too much consequence not to insure a continuance of their efforts in every way which shall appear eligible. As a general rule, manufactures on the public account are inexpedient; but where the state of things in a country leaves little hope that certain branches of manufacture will, for a great length of time, obtain, when these are of a nature essential to the furnishing and equipping of the public force in time of war, are not establishments for procuring them on public account, to the extent of the ordinary demand for the public service, recommended by strong considerations of national policy as an exception to the general rule? *

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JOHN ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, NOVEMBER 23, 1797.

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The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence at least. to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiness.

The genius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial. Their cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture, fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and depend upon it. In short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it cannot be destroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation.

The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of commercial and seafaring, no less than of the other citizens.

JEFFERSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 8, 1801.

Agriculture, manufactures, commerce and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are the most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes be reasonably interposed. If, in the course of your observations or inquiries, they should appear to need any aid within the limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy your attention.

JEFFERSON'S EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE, NOVEMBER 8, 1808.

The suspension of our foreign commerce, produced by the injustice of the belligerent powers, and the consequent losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are subjects of just concern. The situation into which we have thus been forced has impelled us to apply a portion of our industry and capital to internal manufactures and improvements. The extent of this conversion is daily increasing, and

*Copied by permission from "Tariff in the White House," by Henry Talbott, clerk of the Ways and Means Committee, and published at Washington by the compiler.

little doubt remains that the establishments formed and forming will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent.

MADISON'S SEVENTH ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 5, 1815.

Under circumstances giving a powerful impulse to manufacturing industry, it has made among us a progress and exhibited an efficiency which justify the belief that with a protection not more than is due to the enterprising citizens whose interests are now at stake, it will become at an early day not only safe against occa sional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestic wealth and even of external commerce. In selecting the branches more especially entitled to the public patronage, a preference is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States from a dependence on foreign supplies, ever subject to casual failures for articles necessary for the public defence, or connected with the primary wants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular manufactures where the materials for them are extensively drawn from our agriculture, and consequently impart and insure to that great fund of national prosperity and independence an encouragement which cannot fail to be rewarded.

MONROE'S SPECIAL MESSAGE, MAY 4, 1822.

Duties and imposts have always been light, not greater, perhaps, than would have been imposed for the encouragement of our manufactures, had there been no occasion for the revenue arising from them, and taxes and excises have never been laid except in cases of necessity, and repealed as soon as the necessity ceased. * * *

It is natural in so great a variety of climate that there should be a corresponding difference in the produce of the soil; that one part should raise what the other might want. It is equally natural that the pursuits of industry should vary in like manner; that labor should be cheaper, and manufactures succeed better in one part than in another. That where the climate was most severe and the soil less productive, navigation, the fisheries, and commerce should be most relied on. Hence the motive for an exchange for mutual accommodation and active intercourse between them. Each part would thus find for the surplus of its labor, in whatever article it consisted, an extensive market at home, which would be the most profitable because free from duty.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS'S FOURTH ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 2, 1828.

In our country a uniform experience of forty years has shown that whatever the tariff of duties upon articles imported from abroad has been, the amount of importations has always borne an average value nearly approaching to that of the exports, though occasionally differing in the balance, sometimes being more and sometimes less. It is, indeed, a general law of prosperous commerce that the real value of exports should, by a small, and only a small balance, exceed that of imports, that balance being a permanent addition to the wealth of the nation. The extent of the prosperous commerce of the nation must be regulated by the amount of its exports; and an important addition to the value of these will draw after it a corresponding increase of importations.

JACKSON'S MAYSVILLE ROAD VETO, MAY 27, 1830.

Many of the taxes collected from our citizens, through the medium of imposts, have for a considerable period been onerous. In many particulars these taxes have borne severely upon the laboring and less prosperous classes of the community, being imposed on the necessaries of life, and this, too, in cases where the burden was not relieved by the consciousness that it would ultimately contribute to make us independent of foreign nations for articles of prime necessity, by the encouragement of their growth and manufacture at home. They have been cheerfully borne, because they were thought to be necessary to the support of Government and the payment of the debts unavoidably incurred in the acquisition and maintenance of our national rights and liberties. But have we a right to calculate on the same