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118 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Ch. LVULNOTES.
1 Nalson, lotr. p. 65. 1 1 It U not improper to take notice of a mil take committed by Clarendon, much to the disadvantage of this gallant nobleman; that he offered the king, when bis majesty was in
j Scotland, to assassinate Argyle. All the time the king was in Scotland,
I Montrose was confined to prison. Rushworth, voL vi. p. 980. 3 Nalson, vol. ii. p. 683.
4 Clarendon, vol. iii. p- 380, 381. Rushworth, vol. vi. p. U80. Wishart, cap. 2. .
i Wishart, cap. 3. 6 Clarendon, vol. v. p. 618. Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 988. Wishart, cap. 4.
7 1st of Sept 164+- Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 983. Wishart, cap. S.
8 (1th of Sept. 1644. Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 983. Wishart, cap. 7
9 Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 985. Wishart, eap. S,
10 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 248- Wishart, cap. 9.
*1 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 2\fl. Wishart,
12 2nd of July.
13 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 329. Wishart, cap. 11.
14 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 196, 127
15 Dugdale, p. 7. Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 281.
T6 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 52. 61, 62. Whitlocke, p. 130, 131. 133. 135. Clarendon, vol. v. p. 665. 17 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 18, 19, Aw.
18 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 08.
19 Clarendon, vol. v. p. 652. 90 Whitlocke, p. 146.
SI Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 43. Whitlocke, p. 145. 22 Whitlocke, p. 145. 23 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 44.
24 Clareu.vol.ir. p. 656, 657. Walker, p. I JO, 131.
95 Clarendon, vol. iv. p. 658.
26 Hearne has published the following extract from a manuscript work of sir Simon D'Ewes, who was no mean man in the parliamentary party. "On Thursday, the 30th and last day of this instant, June 1625, I went to Whitehall, purposely to set the queen, which I did fully all the time she sat at dinner. I perceivM ber to be a most absolute delicate lady, after I had exactly survey'd all the features of her face, much euliven'd by her radiant and sparkling black eyes. Besides, her deportment among her women was so sweet an'. humble, and her speech and looks to her other servants so mild and gracious, as I could not abstain from divers deep fetched sighs, to consider, that she wanted the knowledge of the true religion," See preface to the Chronicle of Dunstable, p. 64.
27 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 49
28 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 35.
29 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 83. 30 Clarendon, vol. iv. p. 690. Walkei, p. 137.
31 Clarendon, vol. iv. p. 695.
32 28th of June. 33 Rushworlh, vol. vii. p. 117
34 These compositions were different, according to the demerits of the person: but by a vote of the honse they could not be under two years' rent of the delinquent's estate Jonrn. 11th of Aug. 1648. Whitlocke, p. 160.
35 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 108.
36 15th Aug. 1645
37 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 230, 231 Wishart, cap. 13. 38 l3thof Sept 1645.
39 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 231
40 Guthry's Memoirs. Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 232.
41 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 141. It was the same Astley who, Itcfore he charged at the hattle of Edgehill,
made this short prayer, O Lord'
44 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 215, Sec.
45 Rushworth, vol. iii. p. 217. 229.
47 Rushworth, vol. vii- p. 239.
48 Birch, p. 119. 49 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 224. 50 Whitlocke, p. 106. Rushworth,
51 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 210.
52 Rosbworth, vol. vii. p. 308. 53 Clarendon, vol. iv. p. 750. vol. *
54 Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 267.
55 Whitlocke, p. 209.
56 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 271. Claren-
57 2 Sam. chap. xix. 41, 43, and 43
58 Whitlocke, p. 234. 59 Clarendon, vol. v. p. 30. 60 Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 293.
61 Rushworth, vol. vi. p. 309.
62 Rushworth, vol. rii. p. 319.
63 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 339.
64 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 326- Pan!
65 Pari. Hist. vol. xv. p. 243, 244. 66 Burnet's Memoirs of the Hamiltona,
67 Ludlow, Herbert. 68 Clarendon, vol. r. p. 39. Warwick,
69 Clarendon, vol. r. p. 43.
CHAPTER LIX. Mutiny of the Amy" ..The King seized by Joyce....The Army march against the Parliament....Tb* Army subdue the Parliament The King flies to the
Me of Wight....Second Ciril War....Invasion from Scotland....The
THE dominion of the parliament was of short duration. No sooner had they subdued their sovereign, than their own servants rose against them, and tumbled them from their slippery throne. The sacred boundaries of the laws being once violated, nothing remained to confine the wild projects of zeal and ambition. And every successive revolution became a precedent for that which followed it. In proportion as the terror of the king's power diminished, the division between independent and presbyterian became every day more apparent; and the neuters found it at last requisite to seek shelter in one or the other faction. Many new writs were issued for elections, in the room of members who had died, or were disqualified by adhering to the king; yet still the presbyterians retained the superiority among the commons: and all tile peers, except lord Say, were esteemed of that party. The independents, to whom the inferior sectaries adhered, predominated in the army: and the troops of the new model were universally infected with that enthusiastic spirit To their assistance did the independent party among the commons chiefly trust, in their projects for acquiring the ascendant over their antagonists. Soon after the retreat of the Scots, the presbyterians, seeing every thing reduced to obedience, began to talk of diminishing the army: and, on pretence of easing the public burdens, they levelled a deadly blow at the opposite faction. They purposed to embark a strong detachment, under Skippon and Massey, for the service of Ireland: they openly declared their intention of making a great reduction of the remainder.1 It was even imagined, that another new model of the army was projected, in order to regain to the presbyterians that superiority which they had so imprudently lost by the former.1
The army had small inclination to the service of Ireland; a country barbarous, uncultivated, and laid waste by massacres and civil commotions: they had less inclination to disband, and to renounce that pay, which, having earned it through fatigues and dangers, they now purposed to enjoy in ease and tranquillity. And most of the officers, having risen from the dregs of the people, had no other prospect, if deprived of their commission, than that of returning to languish in their native poverty and obscurity.
'These motives of interest acquired additional influence, and became more dangerous to the parliament, from the religious spirit by which the army was universally actuated. Among the generality of men, educated in regular, civilized societies, the sentiments of shame, duty, honour, have considerable authority, and serve to counterbalance and direct the motives derived from private advantage: but, by the predominancy of enthusiasm among the parliamentary forces, these salutary principles lost their credit, and were regarded as mere human inventions, yea moral institutions, fitter for heathens than for christians.5 The saint, resigned over to superior guidance, was at full liberty to gratify all his appetites, disguised under the appearance of pious zeal. And, besides the strange corruptions engendered by this spirit, it eluded and loosened all the ties of morality, and gave entire scope, and even sanction, to the selfishness and ambition which naturally adhere to the human mind. The military confessors were farther encouraged in disobedience to superiors, by that spiritual pride to which a mistaken piety is so subject. They were not, they said, mere janizaries; mercenary troops enlisted for hire, and to be disposed of at the will of their pay-masters.4 Religion and liberty were the motives which had excited them to arms; and they had a superior right to see thosa
Vol. VIII. M
blessings, which they had purchased with their blood, ensured to future generations, By the same title that the presbyterians, in contradistinction to the royalists, had appropriated to themselves the epithet of godly, or the well affected,6 the independents did now, in contradistinction to the presbyterians, assume this magnificent appellation, and arrogate all the ascendant, which naturally belongs to it. Hearing of parties in the house of commons, and being informed that the minority were friends to the army, the majority enemies; the troops naturally interested themselves in that dangerous distinction, and were eager to give the superiority to their partisans. Whatever hardships they underwent, though perhaps derived from inevitable necessity, were ascribed to a settled design of oppressing them, and resented as an effect of the animosity and malice of their adversaries. Notwithstanding the great revenue, which accrued from taxes, assessments, sequestrations, and compositions, considerable arrears were due to the army; and many of the private men, as well as officers, had near a twelvemonth's pay still owing them. The army suspected, that this deficiency was purposely contrived in order to oblige them to live at free quarters; and by rendering them odious to the country, serve as a pretence for disbanding them. When they saw such members as were employed in committees and civil offices accumulate fortunes, they accused them of rapine and public plunder. And, as no plan was pointed out by the commons, for the payment of arrears, the soldiers dreaded, that, after they should be disbanded or embarked for Ireland, their enemies, who predominated in the two houses, would entirely defraud them of their right, and oppress them with impunity. MUTINY OF THE ARMY.
On this ground or pretence did the first commotions begin in the army. A petition, addressed to Fairfax the general, was handed about; craving an indemnity, and