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would probably be more inoffensive. See Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 598. and
Pari. Hist, vol. xr. p. 230. 87 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 503. 547. Clarendon, vol. v. p. 45. 28 Roahworth, vol. vii. p. 500.
29 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 567. 633. Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 731.
30 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 570. Si Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 572. 34 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 592.
33 Rushworth, voL vii. p. 594. Whitlocke, p. 259. 34 Rushworth, vol. vii. p 593. 594.
35 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 572. 574.
36 Clarendon, vol. i. p. 51, 52. 57.
57 When the km; applied to have his children, the parliament always told him, that they could take as much care at London, both of their bodies and souls, as could be dune at Oxford. Pari. Hist vol. xiii. p. 127
38 Rushworth, vol. vii . p. 590. 39 Warwick, p. 303. Pari. Mist vol. xvi . p. 40. Clarendon, vol. v. p. 50.
40 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 620.
41 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 629. 639. 42 Rushworth, vol. vii. p. 641. 643. Clarendon, vol. v. p. 61. Whitlocke, p. 269. Clement Walker, p. 38. 43 Rushw. vol. viii. p. 750. Clarendon, vol. v. p. 63. 44 Rushworth, .ol. vii. p. 646. 45 Whitlocke, p. 265.
46 Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 797,798, fcc.
47 Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 810. 48 Clarendon, vol. r. p. 76.
49 Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 871.
50 P. 79, 80, Sic.
51 Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 845. 859. 52 Ruthw. vol. viii. p. 875. Clarendon,
vol. v. p. 87. 53 Clarendon, vol. v. p. 92.
54 The following was a favourite text among the enthusiasts of that age:
'Let the high praises of God be in the mouths of his saints, and a two, fold sword in their hands, to execute vengeance upon the heathen and punishment upon the people; to bind their kings with chains and their nobles with fetters of iron; to execute upon them the judgments written t this honour have all his saints." Psalm cxlix. ver. 6, 7, 8, 9. Hugh Peters, the mad chaplain of Cromwel, preached (Voqnently upon this text.
55 Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 880. 56 Clarendon, vol. v. p. 88. 57 Clement Walker, p. 70.
58 Clement Walker, p 70.
59 Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 965. 967. 60 Rushw. vol. viii. p. 908. Ctare*. don, vol. v. p. 93.
61 Warwick, p. 339.
62 Rushworth, vol. viii. p. P89
63 Clement Walker, p. *0.
64 Clarendon, vol v. p. 101. 65 Whitlocke, p. 305.
66 Clarendon, vol. v. p. 137,
67 Whitlocke, p. 484.
68 Clarendon, vol. v. p. 180. Sir Edward Walker's perfect copies, p. 6. 69 Sir Edward Walker's perfect copies, p. 8. 70 Sir Edward Walker's perfect copies, p. 8. 38. 71 Burnet's Memoirs of Hamilton.
72 Herbert's Memoirs, p. 72. 7$ Warwick, p. 324. 74 Clarendon. Sir Edw. Walker, p. 319.
75 Walker, p. II, 12. 24. 7fi Walker, p. 51. 77 Walker, p. 7«.
78 WalkeT, p. 45. 79 Walker, p. 69- 77.
80 Walker, p. 56. 68. 8! Walker, p. 61. 82 Walker, p. 91. 93. 83 Walker, p. 29. 35. 49. 84 Walker, p. 65. 85 Walker, p. 75. 82. Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 1323. 86 Walker, p. 71. 87 17th of August. 88 Whitlocke, p. 3oO.
90 18th of August. 91 Whitlocke. 92 Col. Cooke's Memoirs, p. 174 Rufbwarth, vol. viii. u. 1347
93 Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 1364.
95 Whitlocke, p. 360. 96 Rushworth, vol. viii. p. 1425
97 Warwick, p. 389.
98 Perinchef, p. 85- Lloydr, p. 319.
99 Burnet's History of his own Tints,
100 Herbert, p. 13.i.
101 Cement Walker's History ef hide, pendency.
102 Walker's History of Independency, part II.
103 The eourk of Kiug's Bench was
called the court of Public Bench. So cautious an this head were some of the republicans, that, it is pretended, in reciting the T ord'i prayer, they would not say thy kingdom came, but always thy commonwealth come.
104 See on the one hand, Toland't Amyntor, and on the other, WagstalFs Vindication of the royal Martyr, with Young's addition. We may remark, that lord Cla
rendon's total silence with regard to this subject, in so full a history, composed in vindication of the king's measures and character, forms a presumption on Toland's side, and a presumption of which that author was ignorant; the works of the noble historian not being then published. Bishop Buruet's testimony too must be allowed of some weight against the
CHAPTER LX. THE COMMONWEALTH. State of England....of Scotland....of Ireland.. ..Levellers suppressed.. ..Siege ef Dublin raised.. ..Tredah Wormed.... Covenanters.... Montrose taken Prisoner .- ..executed.. .-Covenanters.. ..Battle of Dunhar...-of Worcester.. ..King's Etcapc..,.Tbe Commonwealth-...Dutch War....Dissolution of the Parliament.
STATE OF ENGLAND. 1649.
THE confusions which overspread England after the murder of Charles I. proceeded as well from the spirit of refinement and innovation, which agitated the ruling party, as from the dissolution of all that authority, both civil and ecclesiastical, by which the nation had ever been accustomed to be governed. Every man had framed the model of a republic, and however new it was, or fantastical, he was eager in recommending it to his fellowcitizens, or even imposing it by force upon them. Every man had adjusted a system of religion, which being derived from no traditional authority, was peculiar to himself; and being founded on supposed inspiration, not on any principles of human reason, had no means, besides cant and low rhetoric, by which it could recommend itself to others. The Levellers insisted on an equal distribution of power and property, and disclaimed all dependence and subordination. The Millenarians or Fifth-Monarchy-men required, that government itself should be abolished, and all human powers be laid in the dust, in order to pave the way for the dominion of Christ, whose second coming they suddenly expected. The Antinomians even insisted, that the obligations of morality and natural law were suspended, and that the elect, guided by an internal principle more perfect and divine, were superior to the beggarly elements of justice and humanity. A considerable party declaimed against tithes and hireling priesthood, and were resolved that the magistrate should not support by power or revenue any ecclesiastical establishment. Another party inveighed against the law and its professors; and on pretence of rendering more simple the distribution of justice, were desirous of abolishing the whole system of English jurisprudence, which seemed interwoven with monarchical government. Even those among the republicans who adopted not such extravagancies, were so intoxicated with their saintly character, that they supposed themselves possessed of peculiar privileges; and all professions, oaths, laws, and engagements had, in a great measure, lost their influence over them. The hands of society were every where loosened; and the irregular passions of men were encouraged by speculative principles, still more unsocial and irregular. The royalists, consisting of the nobles and more considerable gentry, being degraded from their authority, and plundered of their property, were inflamed with the highest resentment and indignation against those ignoble adversaries, who had reduced them to subjection. The presbyterians, whose credit had first supported the arms of the parliament, were enraged to find that, by the treachery or superior cunning of their associates, the fruits of all their successful labours were ravished from them. The former party, from inclination and principle, zealously attached themselves to the son of their unfortunate monarch, whose memory they respected, and whose tragical death they deplored. The latter cast their eye towards the same object; but they had still many prejudices to overcome, many fears and jealousies to be allayed, ere they could cordially entertain thoughts of restoring the family, which they had so grievously offended, and whose principles they regarded with such violent abhorrence. The only solid support of the republican independent faction, which, though it formed so small a part of the nation, had violently usurped the government of the whole, was a numerous army of near fifty thousand men. But this army, formidable from its discipline and courage, as well as its numbers, was actuated by a spirit that ren
tiered it dangerous to the assembly which had assumed the command over it. Accustomed to indulge every chimera in politics, every phrenzy in religion, the soldiers knew little of the subordination of citizens, and had only learned, from apparent necessity, some maxims of military obedience. And while they still maintained, that all those enormous violations of law and equity, of which they had been guilty, were justified by the success with which Providence had blessed them; they were ready to break out into any new disorder, wherever they had the prospect of a like sanction and authority. What alone gave some stability to all these unsettled humours was, the great influence both civil and military acquired by Oliver Cromwel. This man, suited to the age in which he lived, and to that alone, was equally qualified to gain the affection and confidence of men, by what was mean, vulgar, and ridiculous in his character; as to command their obedience by what was great, daring, and enterprising. Familiar even to buffoonery with the meanest centinel, he never lost his authority: transported to a degree of madness with religious extasies, he never forgot the political purposes to which they might serve. Hating monarchy, while a subject; despising liberty, while a citizen; though he retained for a time all orders of men under a seeming obedience to the parliament; he was secretly paving the way, by artifice and courage, to his own unlimited authority. The parliament, for so we must henceforth call a small and inconsiderable part of the house of commons, having murdered their sovereign with so many appearing circumstances of solemnity and justice, and so much real violence and even fury, began to assume more the air of a civil, legal power, and to enlarge a little the narrow bottom upon which they stood. They admitted a few of the excluded and absent members, such as were liable to least exception; but on condition that these members should sign an approbation of whatever had been done in their absence with regard to the king's trial: and some of them were willing toacquire a share of power on such tarms: the