crease of about 20,000 in its numbers, and the Cubans themselves showed that they were not lacking in humor as they referred to these so-called soldiers as the "veterans of 1899." As one saw these Cuban soldiers patrolling at railroad stations, doing guard duty at sugar factories, going through the country with American officers on hunts for bandits that swooped down into towns occasionally and stole horses, a sense of respect for them was uppermost, despite the sneers that one heard from

many Americans who based their judgment upon the episodes around Santiago. I could not but think that perhaps the Cuban soldiers had been as much misunderstood as the Cuban people had been by many of our people, who referred to them with contempt as "Dagoes,"

and I recalled the words of Mr. E. G. Rathbone, our Director of Posts in Cuba, who had unusual opportunities for the observation of the masses there, and who said to me, with the privilege of quoting him:

"The people of the United States have a wrong impression of the Cubans. They are kind, gentle, tractable, and easy to get along with. By kindness you can do anything in the world with them. I have studied them closely, and that is my belief."

Whatever may have been their personal opinions as to the future of Cuba, not one of our generals swerved in the least from making it plain to the people that our occupation was to be only temporary. I know whereof I write, for I talked fully and freely with every one of our major-generals in the island, with one exception, but I am not at liberty to quote their words. Major-General Wilson, in Matanzas, publicly made a declaration to this effect, however, on several occasions. He held to the strict letter of the resolutions passed by Congress, which declared:

"That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people."

"We are here as pacificators," General Wilson said, repeatedly, and it was in accordance with this idea that in the latter part of January, while making a tour through the province of Matanzas, he said, in an address to some school-children, that he hoped the boys would grow up to

be good and smart men, and that some day one of them might become president of the republic of Cuba.

I know that Governor-General Brooke in the early part of his administration earnestly hoped, and bent every energy to the end, that an occupation of only a few months might be necessary, and it is no secret that he would have liked to bring the entire American army home from Cuba before the rainy season set in. I am not betraying any confidence when I say that he held the opinion that if Cuba should ever become part of the United States it must be through the open and declared request of the people of the island, with a unanimity of purpose and sentiment behind the request. I know that Major-General Bates held that the one way for the Cubans to secure self-government was to co-operate with our forces to the fullest in the absolute restoration of peace and tranquillity, so that the United States troops might be sent home at the earliest opportunity. I know that Major-General Lee felt that he was in Cuba simply as a soldier. I am positive that Major-General Ludlow, while desirous of carrying out his great task of cleaning up Havana-a task involving more than a year's labor, even with the utmost expedition-personally would have welcomed orders that would have taken our troops out of the island, on the proof that Cuba was able to take care of herself. The administration of Major-General Wood in Santiago indicated freely and openly that he was in accord with these views.

And yet the United States forces still remained in the island, and no one could tell when they would leave. Outwardly the island was pacified. The younger army

officers made no secret of their desire to leave the place. There was not an officer of thought, however, who did not hold the opinion that if the United States troops should go home anarchy at once would break out.

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"We have pacified the island," said one colonel to me; now let us go home."

"Yes," said another colonel, "and if we should go home, our transports would be lighted out of the harbor, if they should sail at night, by the flames of anarchy; but that is none of our business."

From a thorough study of the situation I became convinced that what the officers said about anarchy was true. Our major generals knew it, and if they had spoken their minds freely they would probably have said

that unless the United States desired to stand before the bar of the nations of the world convicted of leaving a condition of affairs worse than the horrors of war that existed in Cuba before they went there, it would be not only one year, but two years, and probably three, before our troops could leave the island. "Except for the pacification thereof," the resolutions of Congress read. The administration was compelled to interpret that clause as meaning the permanent pacification thereof, and in the full meaning of that interpretation, no matter what the real purposes of the administration were, lay the future. of the island of Cuba.

I went to Cuba with the earnest purpose of obtaining any material that would be of service in controverting expansionist ideas, and that would justify the advocacy of a prompt relinquishment of the island to its own people. This is what I found: Every person of the pro-Spanish class, those who sympathized with Spain and hoped she would defeat the Revolutionists, wanted the United States to retain control of the island. Only in such control did they see any hope of safety for themselves and for their property. The merchants of the island, almost without exception, wanted American control, because only in that way did they see any assurance of stability in commerce, and any hope of the full development of the business possibilities of the island. The peasants and laborers, the men who lived in huts in the country and in hovels in the cities, cared only for peace. They wanted to be let alone. been starved and harried and driven about. ignorant, they do not know what free institutions mean,

They had

They are