=f parliament, in de m; and by the sa er of what kind s issue forth to any person or persons whatsoever, er, and other the band franchise of the land.-All which they acts of parliama SUCE used in armies THE KING'S ANswer. "The king willeth, that Right be done ac- tion whereof, he holds himself, in conscience, Before we proceed to give an account how the he damns them for not obeying them. 3. He robs the subjects of the property of their goods. 4. He brands them that will not lose this property, with most scandalous speech and odious titles; to make them both hateful to prince and people; so to set a division between the head and the members, and between the members themselves. 5. To the same end, not much unlike to Faux and his fellows, he seeks to blow up parliaments and parliamentary powers.-These five, being duly viewed, will appear to be so many charges; and they make up altogether the great and main charge; a mischievous plot to alter and subvert the frame and government of this state and commonwealth. And now, though you may be sure, that Mr. Manwaring leaves us no property in our goods; yet, that he hath an absolute property in this charge, Audite ipsam Belluam. Hear himself making up his own charge.' Here Mr. Rouse read several passages out of his book, and then proceeded, "You have heard his Charge made up by his own words, and withal I doubt not but you seem to hear the voice of that wicked one Quid dabitis?" What will you give me, and I will betray this state, kingdom, and commonwealth? But there are two observations (I might add a third, which is like unto A three-fold cord which cannot easily be broken) will draw the charge more violently upon him. The first is of the been, by some of Commons relished the King's Answer to their time when this doctrine of destruction was set Petition of Right, it is necessary here to insert o death; when and itutes of the land ther he same laws and by no other ought secuted: and, as colour thereof, c escaped the past laws and statutes n that divers of 4 justice have proceed against s the same laws that the said f by martial law, ssions as aforesat others of like nat contrary to the su your realm-Te ray your most e ereafter be compel t, loan, benevolen rithout common and that none take such o e confined, or e Iconcerning the sa nd that no freem is before-mente ed: and that your ove the said s ur people come: and h forth; it was preached in the heat of the Loan, and of those Imprisonments which accompanied the Loan; and it was printed in the beginning of that term, which ended in a remittitur: so Mr. Rouse's Charge against Dr. Manwaring.] that you might guess there might be a double June 3. Mr. Kouse, a member of the house of plot, both by law and conscience, to set on fire commons, brought in a Charge to that house the frame and estate of this commonwealth : against one Dr. Roger Manwaring, which some and one of these entailed foxes was Mr. Mandays after was seconded with a declaration, waring. Another note may be taken of the which he delivered in this manner.*" Mr. | time, that is, the unseasonableness of it; for Speaker, I am to deliver, from the committce, a this doctrine of the Loan, in case of necessity, Charge against Mr. Manwaring, a preacher was the year after an assent in parliament, to and doctor of divinity, but a man so criminous, 4 Subsidies and 3 fifteens; which might have that he hath turned his titles into accusation; served for a sufficient stopple for the doctor's for the better they are, the worse is he that mouth, to keep in his doctrine of necessity, dishonours them. Here is a great charge that A second observation may be of the means, lies upon him, it is great in itself, and great be- by which he seeks to destroy this commoncause it hath many great charges in it; Ser-wealth; his means are divinity, yea, by his dipens qui serpentem devorat fit draco;' his vinity he would destroy both king and kingcharge, having digested many charges into it, dom. 1. The king: for can there be a greater becomes a monster of charges. The main and mischief to a prince, than to put the opinion great one is this: a plot and practice, to alter of deity into his ears? for, if from his cars it and subvert the frame and fabrick of this estate should pass to his heart, it might be mortal: and common-wealth. This is the great one, you know how Herod perished. Now this and it hath others in it that give it more weight. inan gives a participation of divine omnipoTo this end, 1. He labours to infuse into the tence to kings; and though a part may seem conscience of his maj. the persuasion of a to qualify, yet all doth seem again to fill up power not bounding itself with laws, which that qualification; and very dangerously, if we king James of famous memory, calls, in his remember what God saith of himself, I am speech to the parliament, tyranny, yea, tyranny a jealous God.' 2. He goes about to destroy accompanied with perjury. 2. He endeavours the kingdom and commonwealth by his divito persuade the conscience of the subjects, that nity; but do we ever find in scripture such a they are bound to obey commands illegal; yea destroying divinity? Surely I find there, That not to destroy. By which it seems he hath | Grievances, both general and particular, as not his divinity from God, nor from the son they had never before been mentioned. Ther of God: but, from the scriptures, I find there is only a short abstract of it in the Collection is one in hell called the Destroyer.' And that but the following copy of it at large, is take we may know he went to hell for his divinity, from sir John Napier's M.S. he names sundry jesuits and friars, with whom he consulted and traded for his divinity. But, not to bely even hell itself, the jesuits are honester than he; for if he had not brought more hell unto them than he found in them, he had never found this divinity which he hath brought forth; yea, in his quotations he hath used those shifts and falshoods, for which boys are whipt in schools, and yet by them he thinks to carry the cause of a kingdom.-But, for a conclusion, to give the true character of this man, whom I never saw, I will shew it you by one whom I know to be contrary to him: Samuel we know all to be a true prophet; now we read of Samuel, That he writ the law of the kingdom in a book, and laid it up before the Lord.' And this he did, as one of Mr. Manwaring's own authors affirms, that the king may know what to command, and the people what to obey: but Mr. Manwaring, finding the law of this kingdom written in books, tears it in pieces, and that in the presence of the Lord in a pulpit; that the king may not know what to command, nor the people what to obey. Thus Mr. Manwaring, being contrary to a true prophet, must needs be a false one; and the judgment of a false prophet belongs to him. I have shewed you an evil tree, that bringeth forth evil fruit; and now it rests with you to determine, whether the following sentence shall follow, Cut it down, and cast it into the fire." Sanderson, in his life of Charles I. informs us, That this Dr. Manwaring preached two bold sermons, one before the king, and the other at his parish church. In the first he asserted, "That the king's royal command, imposing taxes and loans, without consent of parliament, did so far bind the conscience of the subjects of this kingdom, that they could not refuse the payment without peril of damnation." The other was on this topic, "That the authority of parliament was not necessary for the raising Aids and Subsidies." This author adds, he well remembers what the king said when he was afterwards censured for it; He that will preach more than he can prove, let him suffer for it; I give him no thanks for giving me my due.' So that this being entirely the business of parliament, he was left, both by the king and church, to their sentence; which will follow in the sequel. The King's Answer to the Petition of Right, not agreeable to the Commons.] Mr. Rushworth tells us, That on the 3d of June the King's Answer to the Petition of Right was read in the commons, and seemed too scant, in regard to so much expence of time and labour, as had been employed in contriving it: and, that thereupon, sir John Elliott stood up, and made a long speech, wherein he gave 11 Sir J. Elliot recapitulates all their Grievan ces.] Sir John Elliot rose and said-" Mr Speaker, We sit here as the great council o the king; and in that capacity it is our duty to take into consideration the state and affairs o the kingdom; and where there is occasion, to give them a true representation by way of counsel and advice, with what we conceive ne ces-ary or expedient for them. In this con sideration, I confess, many a sad thought bath affrighted me: and that not only in respect of our dangers from abroad, which yet I know are great, as they have been often in this place prest and dilated to us, but in respect of our disorders here at home, which do inforce those dangers, and by which they are occasioned: for, I believe, I shall make it clear unto you, that both, at first, the cause of these dangers were our disorders, and our disorders now are yet our greatest dangers; and not so much the potency of our enemies, as the weakness of ourselves do threaten us; and that saying of the father may be assumed by us; Non tam potentia sua quam negligentia nostra.' Our want of true devotion to heaven, our insince rity and doubling in religion, our want of councils, our precipitate actions, the insufficiency or unfaithfulness of our generals abroad, the ignorance or corruptions of our ministers at home, the impoverishing of the sovereign, the oppression and depression of the subject, the exhausting of our treasures, the waste of our provisions, consumption of our ships, destruction of our men. These make the advantage to our enemies, not the reputation of their arms. And if in these there be not reformation, we need no foes abroad; time itself will ruin us.'-To shew this more fully, I believe, you will all hold it necessary, that they seem not an aspersion on the state, or imputation on the government, as I have known such motions misinterpreted; but far is this from me to propose, who have none but clear thoughts of the excellency of the king, nor can have other ends but the advancement of his majesty's glory: I shall desire a little of your patience extraordinary to open the particulars; which I shall do with what brevity I may, answerable to the importance of the cause and the necessity now upon us; yet with such respect and observation to the time, as I hope it shall not be thought troublesome.-For the first then, our insincerity and doubling in Religion is the greatest and most dangerous disorder of all others; this hath never been unpunished, and of this we have many strong examples of all states, and in all times, to awe us. testimony doth it want? Will you have autho rity of books? Look on the collections of the committee for Religion, there is too clear an evidence. See then the commission procured What zeneral and partic mark the proceedings thereupon; and you will the Low-Countries, and by that means receive their ships and help them by sea. This treble cord, so working between France, the States, and England, might enable us, as occasion should require, to give assistance unto others; men, witness the hopes, witness the presump-and, by this means, the experience of that tions, witness the reports of all the Papists time doth tell us that we were not only free generally: observe the dispositions of com- from those fears that now possess and trouble manders, the trust of officers, the confidence us, but then our names were fearful to our in secretaries to employments in this kingdom, enemies. See now what correspondency our in Ireland, and elsewhere: these all will shew actions had with this; square them by these it hath too great a certainty; and to this add rules. It did induce, as a necessary conse but the incontrovertible evidence of that all-quence, a division in France between the propowerful Hand, which we have felt so sorely that gave it full assurance; for as the heavens oppose themselves to us for our impiety, so it is we that first opposed the heavens.'-For the second, our Want of Councils, that great disorder in a state, with which there cannot be stability. If effects may shew their causes, as they are often a perfect demonstration of them, our misfortunes, our disasters serve to liot rose and s- cause of these prove it; and the consequences they draw and our disordes sion of the sub- n of our ships, as se make the ad he reputation there be not broad; time t • more fully, I essary, that ther's e state, or imper. have known it far is this fent ne but clear th e king, nor c cement of his with them. testants and their king, of which there is too woful and lamentable experience. It hath made an absolute breach between that state and us; and so entertains us against France, and France in preparation against us, that we have nothing to promise to our neighbours, nay hardly to ourselves. Nay, observe the time, in which it was attempted, and you shall find it not only varying from those principles, but directly contrary and opposite ex diametro to If reason be allowed in this dark those ends; and such, as from the issue and age, the judgment of dependencies and fore- success, rather might be thought a conception sight of contingencies in affairs do confirm it. of Spain, than begotten here with us." [llere For if we view ourselves at home, are we in there was an interruption made by sir II. May strength, are we in reputation equal to our chancellor of the duchy, and one of the privyancestors? If we view ourselves abroad, council, expressing a dislike, but the house or are our friends as many; are our enemies no dered sir John to go on: whereupon he promore? Do our friends retain their safety ceeded thus:] "Mr. Speaker, I am sorry for and possessions? Do not our enemies en- this interruption, but much more sorry if there large themselves, and gain from them and hath been occasion; wherein, as I shall subus? To what counsel owe we the loss of mit myself wholly to your judgment to receive of the Palatinate, where we sacrificed both what censure you should give me, if I have our honour, and our men sent thither; stop-offended; so, in the integrity of my intentions ping those greater powers appointed for that service, by which it might have been defensible. What counsel gave direction to the late action, whose wounds are yet bleeding, I mean the expedition to Rhee, of which there is yet so sad a memory in all men? What design for us, or advantage to our state could that import? You know the wisdom of our ancestors, and the practice of their times, how they preserved their safeties. We all know, and have as much cause to doubt as they had, the greatness and ambition of that kingdom, which the whole world could not satisfy Against this greatness and ambition, we likewise know the proceedings of that excellent queen, Elizabeth; whose name, without admiration, falls not into mention even with her enemies. You know how she advanced herself, and how she advanced this nation in glory and in state; how she depressed her enemies, and upheld her friends; how she enjoyed a full security, and made them then our scorn, whom now are made our terror! Some of the principles she built on were these; and, if I mistake, let reason and our statesmen contradict me. 1st. To maintain, in what she might, an unity in France, that that kingdom, being at peace within itself, might be a bulwark to keep back the power of Spain by land. Next little of your p e particulars revity I may, 27 ot the cause ret with such res ne, as I hope ome.-For th doubling in Reg langerous distr er been unpa V strong exampl to awe us Vill you have a lections e and clearness of my thoughts, I must still retain this confidence, that no greatness shall deter me from the duties which I owe to the service of my king and country; but that with a true English heart, I shall discharge myself as faithfully and as really, to the extent of my poor power, as any man, whose honours, or whose offices, most strictly oblige him.-You know the dangers Denmark is in, and how much they concerned us; what in respect of our alliance and the country; what in the inportance of the Sound; what an advantage to our enemies the gain thereof would be? What loss, what prejudice to us by this disunion; we breaking upon France, France enraged by us, and the Netherlands at amazement between both? Neither could we intend to aid that luckless king, whose loss is our disaster? Can those now, that express their troubles at the hearing of these things, and have so often told us, in this place of their knowledge in the conjunctures and disjonctures of affairs, say, they advised in this? Was this an act of council, Mr. Speaker? I have more charity than to think it; and, unless they make a confession of themselves I can not believe it.-For the next the Insufficiency and Unfaithfulness of our Generals, (that great disorder abroad,) what shall I say? I wish there were not cause where can you miss of instances? If you s vey the court, if you survey the country; ift church, if the city be examined; if you obser the bar, if the bench; if the ports, if the sh ping; if the land, if the seas: all these w render you variety of proofs, and that, in su measure and proportion, as shews the greatne of our disease to be such, that, if there be n some speedy application for remedy, our ca is almost desperate.-Mr. Speaker, I fear have been too long in these particulars the are past, and am unwilling to offend you; ther fore in the rest I shall be shorter: and in the which concerns the impoverishing of the kin no other arguments will I use, than such as a men grant. The Exchequer, you know, empty, and the reputation thereof gone; antient lands are sold; the jewels pawned the plate engaged; the debts still great; almo all charges, both ordinary and extraordinar borne up by projects: what poverty can b greater? what necessity so great? what perfec English heart is not almost dissolved into sor row for this truth?-For the Oppression of th Subject, it needs no demonstration; the whol kingdom is a proof; and for the exhausting o our treasures, that very oppression speaks it What waste of our provisions, what consump tion of our ships, what destruction of our me have been; witness that Journey to Algierswitness that with Mansfield-witness that to Cadiz-witness the next-witness that to Rhee th choice hereafter be not prevented, I could willingly be silent: but my duty to my sovereign, my service to this house, and the safety and honour of my country, are above all respects and what, so nearly, trenches to the ejudice of this, must not, shall not, be forborn. At Cadiz then, in that first expedition we made, when we arrived and found a conquest ready, the Spanish ships I mean fit for the satisfaction of a voyage; and of which some of the chiefest, then there themselves, have since assured me that the satisfaction would have been sufficient, either in point of honour, or in point of profit: why was it neglected? Why was it not atchieved, it being of all hands granted, how feisable it was? After, when with the destruction of some of our men, and with the exposition of some others, (who though their fortune since have not been such,) by chance came off: when, I say, with the loss of our serviceable men, that unserviceable fort was gained, and the whole army landed; why was there nothing done? why was there nothing attempted? If nothing was intended, wherefore did they land? If there was a service, wherefore were they ship'd again?-Mr. Speaker, it satisfies me too much in this, when I think of their dry and hungry march into that - drunken quarter, (for so the soldiers termed it,) where was the period of their journey; that divers of our men, being left as a sacrafice to the enemy, that labour was at an end.-witness the last. (I pray God we may neve -For the next undertaking, at Rhée, I will not trouble you much; only this in short: was not that whole action carried against the judgment, and opinion of those officers, that were of the council? Was not the first, was not the last, was not all, in the landing, in the intrenching, in the continuance there, in the assault, in the retreat, without their assent? Did any advice take place of such as were of the council? If there should be made a particular inquisition thereof, these things will be manifest, and more. I will not instance the Manifesto that was made for the reason of these arms; nor by whom, nor in what manner, nor on what grounds it was published; nor what effects it hath wrought, drawing, as it were, almost the whole world into league against us: nor will I mention the leaving of the Wines, the leaving of the Salt which were in our possession; and of a value, as 'tis said, to answer much of our expence; nor that great wonder which no Alexander or Cæsar ever did, the inriching of the enemy by courtesies when our soldiers wanted help: nor the private intercourses and parlies with the Fort, which continually were held: what they intended may be read in the success, and upon due examination thereof they would not want their proofs. For the last Voyage to Rochelle, there needs no observations; it is so fresh in memory: nor will I make an inference or corollary on all. Your own knowledge shall judge what truth, or what sufficiency they express. For the next the have more such witnesses.) Witness likewise m truly represent them unto the king; whereto, | In the first year of the king, and the second I conceive, we are bound by a treble obligation, convention, I first moved for the increase and of duty to God, of duty to his majesty, and of inlargement of poor Ministers Livings: I shewduty to our country. And therefore I wish it ed how necessary it was, though it had been may so stand with the wisdom and judgment neglected; this was also commended to the of the house, that they may be drawn into the house by his maj. There being then, as now, body of a Remonstrance, and in all humility many accusations on foot against scandalous expressed; with a prayer unto his maj. That, ministers, I was bold to tell the house, that for the safety of himself, for the safety of the there were also scandalous livings, which were kingdom, and for the safety of religion, he will much the cause of the other; livings of five be pleased to give us time to make perfect pounds, nay even five marks a year; that men inquisition thereof, or to take them into his of worth and parts would not be muzzled up to own wisdom, and there give them such timely such pittances; that there were some such reformation as the necessity and justice of places in England, as were scarce in all Christhe case doth import. And thus, sir, with a tendom beside, where God was little better large affection and loyalty to his maj. and known than amongst the Indians. I exampled with a firm duty and service to my country, I it in the utmost skirts of the North, where the have suddenly, and it may be with some disor- prayers of the common people are more like der, expressed the weak apprehensions I have; spells and charms than devotions; the same wherein, if I have erred, I humbly crave your blindness and ignorance is in divers parts of pardon, and so submit myself to the censure Wales, which many in that country do both of the house." know and lament. I also declared, that to plant good ministers was the strongest and surest means to establish true religion; that it would prevail more against Papistry, than the making of new laws, or executing of old; that it would counter-work court-connivance and luke-warm accommodation; that though the calling of ministers be never so glorious within, the outward poverty will bring contempt upon them; espccially among those, who measure them by the ounce, and weigh them by the pound; which indeed is the greatest part of men. Mr. Pym, I cannot but testify how, being in Germany, I was exceedingly scandalized to see the poor stipendiary ministers of the reformed churches there, despised and neglected by reason of their poverty, being otherwise very grave and learned men. I am afraid this is a part of the burthen of Germany, which ought to be a warning to us. I have heard many objections and difficulties, even to impossibilities against this bill. To him that is unwilling to go, there is ever a bear or a lion in the way. First let us make ourselves willing, then will the way be easy and safe enough. I have observed, that we are always very eager and fierce against papistry, against scandalous ministers, and against things which are not so much in our power. I should be glad to see that we did delight as well in rewarding as in punishing, and in undertaking matters within our reach, as this is absolutely within our power: our own duties are next us, other men's further off. I do not speak this, that I do mislike the destroying and pulling down of that which is ill; but then let us be as earnest to plant and build up that which is good in the room of it; for why should we be desolate? the best and the greatest way to dispel darkness and the deeds thereof, is to let in light: we say that day breaks, but no man can ever hear the noise of it; God comes in the still voice: let us quickly mend our candlesticks, and we cannot want lights. I am afraid this backwardness of ours will give the adversary occa sion to say, that we chuse our religion because it is the cheaper of the two, and that we would 2 C Rushworth observes, That many of the members thought it not suitable to the wisdom of the house, in that conjuncture, to begin to recapitulate those misfortunes which were now obvious to all; accounting it more discretion not to look back but forward; and, since the king was so near to meet them, that the happiness they expected might not be lost: and these were for petitioning his maj. for a fuller Answer. It was intimated by sir Hen. Martin, 'That this speech of sir J. Elliot was suggested from disaffection to his majesty.' And there wanted not some who said, 'It was made out of dislike to his majesty's Answer to their Petition: but sir J. Elliot protested the contrary; and that himself and others had a resolution to open these last mentioned Grievances, to satisfy his maj. therein, only they staid for an opportunity which averment of sir J. Elliot was attested by sir Tho. Wentworth and sir Rob. Philips. In this debate sir Edw. Coke propounded, That an humble Remonstrance be presented to his maj. touching the present dangers, and the means of safety both for the king and kingdom; which was agreed to by the house; and thereupon the committee for the bill of Subsidies was ordered to expedite the said remonstrance.'-In all, or most of these debates, the serjeant was ordered to attend on the outside of the door of the house, and no man was to offer to go out, upon penalty of being sent to the Tower. Sir B. Rudyard's Speech for better Maintenance of the inferior Clergy. About this time a committee, of which Mr. Pym was chairman, being appointed to consider of a bill for the better maintenance of the inferior Clergy, Sir Benj. Rudyard made the following speech: Mr. Pym; I did not think to have spoken to this bill, because I was willing to believe that the forwardness of this committee would have prevented me; but now I hold myself bound to speak, and to speak in earnest. From the Ephemeris Parliamentaria.' VOL. II. |