Practise of Popish ceremonies countenanced counties, and inconvenient for the inhabitants; and enjoined; as, altars, images, crucifixes, without rule or suitable means for the levying bowings; he compared these to the dry boues or managing of it.-The Inlargement of Foin Ezekiel, which first came together, then rests beyond the bounds of the statute 28 Edw. I. sinews and flesh came upon them, afterwards which perambulations then were the cause, the skin covered them, and then breath and after, of that famous Charta de Foresta; and life was put into them; so first the form, then now reviving those old questions, new disthe spirit and life of Popery. 3. Preferment tempers may follow. The particular obliquiof persons popishly affected. 4. Discourage- ties he numbered thus, 1. Surreptitions proment of protestants, by over rigid prosecutions ceedings, as in Essės; yet that verdict was ins of the scrupulous for things indifferent, no vice forced in other counties, and a judgment upon made so great as nonconformity; by punish- the matter, after 3 or 400 years quiet possesing, without law, for not reading the book of sion of the subject, enforced to compound for Sunday Recreations; for not removing the great fines.-The selling of Nuisances. The communion-table altar-wise; not coming to king, as a father of the commonwealth, is to the rails to receive the communion; for preach- take care of the public cominodities and ading on the Lord's day after noon; for cate-vantages of the subjects; as rivers, highways, chizing otherwise than as in the short catechism common sewers, by ordinary writs ad quod in the Common-Prayer Book. 5. And lastly, damnum; but now, by a course extrajudicial, was the incroachment of ecclesiastical juris- by enforcing compositions: so then, if a nui diction, particularly, 1. In fining and impri-sance be compounded for, it is a hurt to the soning without law. 2. Challenging their juris- people; if no nuisance, then it is used to the diction to be appropriate to their order, jure party's prejudice. The commission for Builddivino. 3. Contriving and publishing new Ar- ings about London, which was presented as a ticles of Visitation, and new Canons; the bold-grievance in the time of king James, is now ness of bishops and all their subordinate officers much more increased, and more prejudicial. and officials.-The 3rd part of Grievances; in The commission for Depopulations began some which discovery he observed rather the order few years since. By both these commissions the of time when they were acted, than of the con- subject is restrained from disposing of his own; sequence; but when he comes after to the demolishing their houses, punishing and fining cure, then he will persuade to begin with the their persons, so that they are still liable by most important; namely, Tonnage and Pound-law; for the king cannot licence a nuisance: age, and the late new Book of Rates, taken by and although these are not nuisances, yet it is prerogative without grant of parliament; from an ill consequence to be compounded for, and whence these inconveniences follow: 1. Men's may make a precedent for kings to licence such goods are seized, and their suits in law stopped. things as are nuisances indeed.― Military 2. Misimployment of the sums of money im- Charges ought not to be laid upon the people posed, intended for the guard of the sea, which by warrant of the king's hand, nor by letters are disbursed to other uses, and a new tax of the council-table, nor by order of the lords raised for the same purpose. 3. The burthen lieutenants of the counties nor their deputies. excessive, trade hindered, home commoditics It began to be practised as a loan, for supply abased, and foreign inhanced; by which means of coat and conduct-money, in queen Eliza the stock of the kingdom is diminished, espe- beth's time, with promise to be repaid it; as cally insupportable to the poor planters in appears by a constat warrant in the exchequer, America, by the tax upon Tobacco.-The 4th and certain payments; but now a-days never general Grievance, Composition for Knight-repaid. The first particular brought into a tax hood; which, though it refers to a former was the Muster-Master's wages; which being custoin, yet, upon the same grounds, the king but for small sums was generally digested; yet, may renew it by a new fine; inmoderate mul- in the last parliament, it was designed to be tiplication of distress and issues, and enforced remedied: but now there follows, 1. Pressing to compound with the commissioners; inunda- of men against their wills, or to find others, tion of monopolies by the Soap Patent, under-2. Provisions for public magazines of powder, taken by papists, full of mischief; 1. By im- spades, and pickaxes. 3. Salary of officers, pairing the goodness and inhancing the price cart-horses and carts, and such like.—The exof salt, soap, beer, and coals. 2. Under colour trajudicial Declarations of Judges, without of which, trade was restrained to a few hands, hearing of counsel or argument; a teeming 3. Many illegally imprisoned. The great and grievance of many others.-Monopolies coununparalleled Grievance of Ship-Money being tenanced by the council-table, and the clause aggravated, not supported by the judgment; in their patents of monopoly, commanding the which is not grounded upon law, custom, pre-justices of peace to assist them; whereby the cedent, or authority. It being improper for a great ability of the council receive a stain by ease of necessity, abounding in variety of mis- such matters of so mean a report in the esti chiefs; as, 1. The general extent to all per-mation of law, so ill in the apprehension of the sons, all times, and the subject left remediless. people.-The high court of Star-Chamber, 2. The arbitrary proportion without limits. 3. called, in the parliament rolls, Magnum ConciImposed by writ, and disposed by instructions: lium, to which the parliaments were wont to Improper for the office of a sheriff in the inland refer such mattors as they had not time to des VOL. II. 2 T

honour the king the more; for I am afraid we have been the less prosperous in parliaments, because we have preferred other matters before him. Let religion be our primum quærite, for all things else are but etcæteras to it; yet we may have them too, sooner and surer, if we give God his precedence.-We well know what disturbance hath been brought upon the church, for vain petty trifles. How the whole

where to place a metaphor, an altar. We have seen ministers, their wives, children, and families undone, against law, against conscience, against all bowels of compassion, about not dancing upon Sundays. What do these sort of men think will become of themselves, when the master of the house shall come, and find then thus beating their fellow-servants? These inventions are but sieves made of pur pose to winnow the best men; and that's the devil's occupation. They have a mind to worry preaching, for I never yet heard of any but diligent preachers that were vexed with these and the like devices. They despise prophecy, and, as one said, 'They would fan be at something more like the mass, that will not bite. A muzzled religion. They would eva. porate and dispirit the power and vigour of religion, by drawing it out into some solcum specious formalities, into obsolete, antiquitated ceremonies, new furbished up. And this, be like, is the good work in hand, which Dr. Heylin hath so often celebrated in his bold pamphlets. All their acts and actions are so full of mixtures, involutions, and complications, as nothing is clear, nothing sincere in any of their proceedings: let them not say, that these are the perverse, suspicious and malicious interpretations of some few factious spirits amongst us, when a romanist hath bragged, and been congratulated in print, That the face of our church begins to alter, and the lan

termine. A court erected against oppression; | are subjects. Let us fear God, then shall we a court of council, and a court of justice; now an instrument of erecting and defending monopolies to set a face of public good upon things pernicious, as soap, ship-money, &c.--This great and most eminent power of the king, Edicts, Proclamations, called leges temporis, which used heretofore to encounter with sudden and unexpected danger, until the great council of the kingdom could be called, hath of late been exercised for enjoining and main-church, the whole kingdom hath been troubled, taining monopolies.-But the last and greatest grievance led him to a step higher, even as high as Heaven, as high as the Throne of God, his Word and truth. The ambitious and corrupt clergy, preaching down the laws of God and liberties of the kingdom, pretending divine authority and absolute power in the king to do what he will with us; and this preaching is the high way to preferment, as one Manwaring, sentenced the last parliament, then a doctor, now a bishop, preferred for his doctriucs.The Intermission of Parliaments, contrary to the statute, to be called once a year; the main cause, therefore, of all mischiefs, to which parliaments give remedy. That these grievances are as hurtful to the king as to the subJect; by interrupting their communion: for they have need of his general pardon, and to be secured from projectors and informers, to be freed from obsolete laws, and from the subtil devices of such who seek to strain the prerogative to their own private advantage and to the publick hurt; and the king bath need of them for counsel and support. Queen Elizabeth's victorious attempts were, for the greatest part, made upon the subjects purses, and not upon hers, though the honour and profit was hers. That these discontents diminish the king's reputation abroad, and disadvantage his treatics, and weaken his party beyond seas, by encouraging popery; by forcing the subjects to leave the kingdom, to the prejudice of the king's customs and subsidies; divers clo-guage of our religion to change. And Sancta thiers forced away, who set up their manufacture abroad, to the hurt of the kingdom. The king hath received upon the monopoly of Wines, 30,000. per ann. the vintner pays 40s. a tun, which comes to 90,000/. the price upon the subject, by retail, increased 2d. a quart which comes to 87. a ton; so, 45,000 tons brought in yearly, amounts to 360,000l. which is 330,000l. loss to the kingdom, above the king's receipt.-Now the Remedies consist of two main branches; in declaring the law where it is doubtful, and in provision for the execution of the law where it was clear; but these he referred to a further time; and, for the present, he advised speedily to desire a conference with the lords, and always to humble themselves to God for his assist

auce.'

Sir Benj. Rudyard, member for Wilton, made the following speech the same day:

Mr. Speaker; We are here assembled to do God's business and the king's in which our own is included, as we are christians, as we

Clara hath published, That if a synod were held, non intermixtis puritanis, setting puri tans aside, our Articles and their Religion would soon be agreed. They have so brought it to pass, that, under the name of puritans, all our religion is branded, and, under a few hard words against Jesuits, all popery is coun tenanced.—Whosoever squares his actions by any rule, either divine or human, he is a Puritan. Whoever would be governed by the king's laws, he is a Puritan. He that will not do whatsoever other men would have him do, he is a Paritan. Their great work, their masterpiece now is, to make all those of the religion to be the sus pected party of the kingdom.-Let us further reflect upon the ill effect these courses have wrought, what by a defection from us on the one side, a separation on the other; some imagining whither we are tending, made haste to turn, or declare themselves Papists before hand, thereby hoping to render themselves the more gracious, the more acceptable. A great multitude of the king's subjects, striving to hold

communion with us, but seeing how far we men; their actions discover them. They are were gone, and fearing how much further we men that talk largely of the king's service, would go, were forced to fly the land; some have done none but their own; and that's too into other inhabited countries, very many into evident. They speak highly of the king's power, savage wildernesses, because this land would but they have made it a miserable power, that not bear thein. Do not they that cause produceth nothing but weakness both to the these things cast a reproach upon the govern-king and kingdoni. They have exhausted the ment?-Mr. Speaker; let it be our principal king's revenue to the bottom, nay through the care, that these ways neither continue nor bottom, and beyond. They have spent vast return upon us. If we secure our religion, we sums of money wastefully, fruitlessly, dangeshall cut off and defeat many plots that are rously: so that more money, without other now on foot by them and others. Believe it, counsels, will be but a swift undoing. They sir, religion hath been for a long time, and still have always, peremptorily, pursued one obsti 5, the great design upon this kingdom. It is a nate pernicious course. First they bring things known and practised principle, that they who to an extremity, then they make that extrewould introduce another religion into the mity, of their own making, the reason of their church, must first trouble and disorder the go- next action, seven times worse than the former; vernment of the state, that so they may work and there we are at this instant. They have their ends in a confusion which now lies at the almost spoiled the best instituted government door.-I come next to the king's business in the world, for sovereignty in a king, liberty more particularly; which indeed is the king- to the subject; the proportionable temper of dom's; for one hath no existence, no being both which, makes the happiest state for power, without the other, their relation is so near; for riches, for duration. They have unmauyet some have strongly and subtilly laboured a nerly and slubbringly cast all their projects, all divorce; which hath been the very bane both their machinations upon the king: which no of king and kingdom. When the foundation wise or good minister ever did, but would still is shaken, it is high time to look to the building. take all harsh distasteful things upon themHe hath no heart, no head, no soul, that is selves, to clear, to sweeten their master. not moved in his whole man, to look upon They have not suffered his maj. to appear unto the distresses, the miseries of the common- his people in his own native goodness. They wealth; that is not forward in all that he is, have eclipsed him by their interposition; aland hath, to redress them in a right way. though gross condense bodies may obscure -The king likewise is reduced to great straits, and hinder the sun from shining out, yet is he wherein it were undutifulness, nay inhumanity, still the same in his own splendor: and when to take advantage of him; let us rather make they are removed, all creatures under him are it an advantage for him, to do him best scr- directed by his light; comforted by his beams: vice when he hath most need. Not to seek but they have framed a superstitious seeming our own good, but in him, and with him; else maxim of state for their own turn, That if a we shall cominit the same crimes ourselves, king will suffer men to be torn from him, he which we must condemn in others. His maj. shall never have any good service done him :' hath clearly and freely put himself into the when the plain truth is, that this is the surest hands of this parliament; and, I presume, way to preserve a king from having ill servants there is not a man in this house but feels him- about him. And the divine truth likewise is, self advanced in this high trust: but if he 'Take away the wicked from before the king, prosper no better in our hands than he hath and his throne shall be established,’—Mr. done in theirs, who have hitherto had the Speaker; now we see what the sores are in handling of his affairs, we shall for ever make general, and when more particulars appear, ourselves unworthy of so gracious a confidence. let us be very careful to draw out the cores of I have often thought, and said, that it must them; not to skin them over with a slight, be some great extremity that would recover suppurating, festring cure, lest they break out and rectify this state; and, when that extremity again into a greater mischief; consider of it, did come it would be a great hazard whether consult and speak your minds.-It hath hereit might prove a remedy, or ruin. We are now tofore been boasted, That the king should upon that vertical turning point, and therefore never call a parliament till he had no need of it is no time to palliate, to foment our own un- his people.' These were words of division and doing. Let us set upon the remedy, we must malignity. The king must always, according first know the disease: but to discover the to his occasions, have use of his people's power, diseases of the state is, according to some, to hearts, hands, purses. The people will always traduce the government; yet others are of opi- have need of the king's clemency, justice, pronion, that this is the half-way to the cure.- tection: and this reciprocation is the strongest, His maj. is wiser than they that had advised the sweetest union. It hath been said too, of him, and therefore he cannot but see and feel late, That a parliament will take more from their subverting destructive counsels, which the king than they will give him.' It may be speak louder than I can speak of them; for well said, that those things which will fall away they ring a doleful deadly knell over the of themselves, will enable the subjects to give whole kingdom. His maj. best knows who him more than can be taken any way else. they are; for us, let the matters bolt out the projects and nonopolies are but leaking con

:

dangerously multiplied, idolatry increased, and God's heavy judgments highly provoked. 3. In the commonwealth; by the late inundations of the prerogative royal, which have broken out and almost overturned all our liberties, even those which have been best and strongest fortified: the Grand Charta itself, that which hath been so oft, so solemnly confirmed in the succession of so many princes, ratified in his majesty's name, founded by the wisdom of to rimer ages, purposely to keep the beam over and between sovereignty; even this, the dear

duit-pipes; the Exchequer itself, at the fullest is but a cistern, and now a broken one; frequent parliaments only are the fountain and I do not doubt but in this parliament, as we shall be free in our advices, so shall we be the more free of our purses, that his majesty muy experimentally find the real difference of better counsels, the true solid grounds of raising and establishing bis greatness, never to be brought again (by God's blessing) to such dangerous, such such desperate perplexities. Mr. Speaker, I confess I have now gone in a way much against my nature, nd somewhat against my custom here-est and chiefest part of our inheritance, bath tofore used in this place; but the deplorable, dismal condition both of church and state have so far wrought upon my judgment, as it hath convinced my disposition: yet I am not vir sanguinum, I love no man's ruin; I thank God, I neither hate any man's person, nor envy any man's good fortune; only I am zealous for a thorough reformation in a time that exacts it, that extorts it; which I humbly beseech this house may be done with as much lenity, and as much moderation, as the public safety of the king and kingdom can possibly admit.'

been infringed, broken, and set at nought in the commonwealth, by the over-potency of some great ones, secret counsellors of state; by whose advice, it is thought, the greatest part of these present distempers, under which the body of this commonwealth at this time labours, do derive their originals. 4. In the Commonwealth; by the mischievous practices and policies of some subtle projectors; who, under the title of the king's profit and the public good, have intitled themselves to great and vast estates, and that to the damage of the whole kingdom. They are, Mr. Speaker, the very moths and cankers that have fretten and eaten out all the trade and commerce, the very

Sir John Holland, member for Castle-rising, Norfolk, spoke to the following effect: Mr. Speaker; The time of actions are not for rl e-beauty, strength and health of this famous torick and elocution, which emboldens me to rise: and though I must acknowledge myself to be one of the youngest scholars and meanest proficients in this great school of wisdom, yet I conceive it a great part of my duty, at this time, both to deliver my suit and conscience.--We are called hither, by the royal power: we sit here by the king's majesty's grace and favour; and since his maj. hath been graciously pleased to leave the government of all in our hands, I doubt not but we shall lay such a foundation in the beginning of this parliament, that we shall make it a happy age, and a long and lasting one: since the dangers of these times, the present distempers of this state, and therein both his majesty's and our necessities, yea and the whole kingdom's safety, do require it. We are now called, Mr. Speaker, as I conceive from the reports you have made of his majesty's gracions Declaration, for 4 principal causes: 1. For Supply of his majesty's Wants. 2. For the relief of our brethren in the Northern parts. 3. For the Remove of the Scots Forces. 4. For Redress of our own Grievances. That his majesty's wants are great and many, I think there is no man doubts it; and it is as certain our grievances are so too; they are great and many both in church and commonwealth: I shall but touch them in either, since they have been so fully remonstrated in both. 1. In the Church; by the usurping power of some prelates and their adherents; by which means many great dangers, innovations of doctrines, of discipline, and of government have been thrust upon us. 2. In the Church; by public sufferances of Priests and Jesuits to come into the land; by which means the number of Romisk Catholics are

island. In the Commonwealth, by the enter tainment of Foreigners and Strangers, and that at his majesty's excessive charge; by which means his coffers are empty, his revenues shortened, and the whole kingdom many other ways oppressed.--But I shall not trouble my self any farther in so vast, so large a field; I shall now represent my own weak apprehensions, for our progression in all the particulars for which we have been called, and in all humility submit them unto you. 1. Of Supply in his majesty's Wants; I do humbly desire we may proceed therewith in its due time, and that with as much loyal duty and liberality as ever any people expressed towards their prince. I think I may say the present affairs of the kingdom do require it. 2. For the Relief of our brethren in the Northern parts; with a sense of charity and fellow-feeling of their miseries, afflictions, and losses. 3. In removing of the Scots army with a soft and gentle mediation, pacification, and reconciliation, if possi bly it may be wrought with his majesty's ho nour, and the kingdom's safety; if not, then to repel and repulse them with stout and resolute spirits, with valiant and united hearts and hands, such as will best suit with our duty to God, our king, our country; such as shafi best become his honour, and the antient renown of this English nation. 4. In redress of our Grievances in those of the church, which ought to have priority in our consultation, as well in respect of necessity as dignity. In these, I do humbly desire, and doubt not but we shall proceed with all true piety, and well grounded zeal guiding us towards God's house, and his truth. In those of the commonalty, with a religious care of our country's freedom;

in the faithful performance of the trust reposed in ns by them that sent us; in the preservation of our rights, our liberties, our privileges, and our properties. Yet in all, Mr. Speaker, I do humbly desire we may proceed as best suiting the matter and condition of these distempered times, or as best becoming the honour, dignity, and wisdom of this so great a court, so great a council, with all temper, modesty, and all duc

moderation.'

by the statute of 18 Edw. 3. which is so strict and severe, that it made a judge, whom I know, though honest and strict, yet to quake and tremble at the very mention of it. The effect of the oath is, That they should do equal law and execution of right to all the king's subjects, poor as well as rich, without regard of any person that they should not deny to do common right to any man by the king's letters, nor for any other cause: and in case Mr. Bagshaw, member for Southwark, closed such letters do come, that they proceed to do this debate with the following specch:- 1 the law notwithstanding such letters, or for had rather act than speak in those weighty any other causes, as they will answer to the businesses of the kingdom, which have been so king in bodies, goods, and lands. How this excellently handled by the three worthy gen- oath hath been performed, we have seen and tlemen that spoke last, and therefore I shall be felt, I need say no more. But when I cast short. For when I look upon the body of mine eyes upon the inferior courts of justice, this goodly and flourishing kingdom in matters wherein no such oath is required, I mean of Religion, and of our laws (for, like Hypo- the high commission, and other ecclesiastical crates's twins, they live and die together); I courts, my soul hath bled for the wrong pres say when I behold these in that state and sures, which I have observed to have been plight, as they have been represented to us, done and committed in these courts against tere magis libet quam dicere: but this is our the king's good people, especially for the most comfort, Mr. Speaker, that we are all met monstrous abuse of the oath ex officio; which, together for the welfare and happiness of as it is now used, I can call no other than carprince and people; and who knows whether nificina conscientiæ. I have some reason to this may not be the appointed time, wherein know this, that have been an attendant to the God will restore our religion as at the first, court these 5 years for myself and a dear and our laws as at the beginning. The honour friend of mine, some time knight for our shire, of a king consisteth in the wealth of his people: for a mere trivial business; that the most that this undoubted maxim his maj. hath made could be proved against him, was the putting good by his late gracious speech and promise on his hat in the time of sermon. Of which to us to redress all our grievances, to destroy court I shall say more, and make good what I the enemies of our peace and plenty. To say, when those ulcers come to be opened.— make a people rich, they must have ease and Mr. Speaker, I say these three worthies, that justice: ease in their consciences from, the spake before me, have told you of our miseLane of superstition, from the intolerable bur-ries; but I cannot tell you of the remedies: then of innovation in religion, and from the racks and tortures of strange and new fangled paths: they must be eased in their persons. being liberi homines and not villani, from all illegal arrests and imprisonment against Magna Charta, being our greatest liberties. They must be eased in their lands, from Forests, were never any deer fed; from Depopulations, here never any farm was decayed; and from Jaclosures, where never any hedges were set. And must, lastly, be eased in their Goods from the exactions and expilations of pursuiYants and apparitors, of projectors and monolets, Humanarum calamitatum mercatores,' as an antient finely calls them. But if the people have all these easements, yet, if they have not justice, they cannot subsist: justice is to the civil body as food to the natural: if the streams of justice be, by unrighteousness, turned into gall and wormwood, or by cruelty, like the Egyptian waters, be turned into blood, those who drink of these brooks must needs die and perish. The law saith, That all justice is in the king; who is stiled in our books, Fons Justitia, and he coinmits it to his judges for the execution; wherein he trusts them with two of the chiefest flowers which belong to his crown, the administration of his justice, and the exposition of his laws; but he will not trust them without an oath required of them,

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for things are come to that height, that I may say, as Livy said of the Roman state in his time, Nec vitia nostra scire possumus neg remedia;' for no laws will now do us good. Better laws could not have been made than the statute of Monopolies against Projectors, and the Petition of Right against the infringers of liberties; and yet, as if the law had been the author of them, there hath been, within these few years, more monopolies and infringement of liberties, than have been in any age since the Conquest; and if all those vile harlots, as queen Elizabeth called them, that have been the authors of those evils, and the troublers of our Israel, do go unpunished, it will never be better with us; for now, during parliament, like frozen snakes, their poison dries up; but let the parliament dissolve, and then their poison melts and scatters abroad, and doth more hurt than ever. What then must be done? Why, what the plaister cannot do, must be done by the saw;

Ense recidendum est, ne pars sincera trahatur.' I cannot better English it, than in the words of a king, 'Let them be cut off in their wickedness that have framed mischief as a law. My conclusion is this, let the woful violation of the statute of Monopolies and the Petition of Right be made felony, or premunire at the