men will work when they want and can find employment, and that the inhabitants of Catholic countries are not always miserable. With these facts before them, they have shifted their ground; but, still believing in the existence of misery,' they have been obliged to seek other causes; and, lo! they found them in imperfect civilization,' and want of schools.' A pamphlet now lies before us, which we have selected from a host of ephemeral publications, not for any intrinsic value it possesses, but because it illustrates the preceding remarks, and enables us to lay before our Irish readers the prevailing sentiments of that respectable portion of the people of England who are fa vourable to their claims. All parties are agreed,' says Sir William, that the great mass of the people, in most parts of Ireland, are in a degraded state; uninformed, in abject poverty-without sufficient knowledge of any of the arts of life by which support can be obtained; with minds inflamed against their governors by the accumulation of those miseries they have so long suffered; and, through these causes, prone to violence, and dangerous to their superiors: can man be in a worse, a more deplorable, condition? And with nothing to hope, there is nothing to fear: hence arises that readiness to embark in every desperate measure which the ambitious or the designing may hold out. Can we expect attachment to any government from persons situated as these men are? Destitute, hopeless, in a state of anarchy and starvation, to them any change may produce some good; they are too wretched to fear an increase of evil. Are men, so circumstanced, prepared, without any accompanying measures, to be released from all restraint, and to be placed at once in the full possession of political power? You must civilize those whom you would render capable of the rational enjoyment of civil liberty; you must teach them the relative duties of man to man before you can give them indiscriminately all the immunities of citizens in a well-organized state: would it otherwise be safe to the community at large, or advantageous to themselves?' This is the estimation in which most of the well-informed people of Eng land hold their brethren of the sister kingdom; and may be taken as a criterion of the sentiments of the British public, as far as the condition of the Irish population is concerned. The liberal part of the press echo these opinions; and, in advocating the extension of civil rights, act like Paddy in Donnybrook, who Meets with a friend, and for love knocks him down.' Catholics with one hand, they are For, while they are caressing the sadly belabouring them with the other. Such friends only serve to encumber by their assistance; for, instead of making emancipation apPear of first importance, they render it, by implication, of subordinate consideration. To this alternative even the Catholic leaders themselves must come, if the allegations propagated both in England and Ireland, respecting Irish misery,' be true. To discover this is an inquiry of vast importance, and, until satisfactorily decided, the question of emancipation, like the ghosts of the unburied ancients, may wander round the Elysium of the Cabinet without gaining admission; for, the state of Ireland,' while unascertained, is an arsenal that supplies both sides with arms, whether they are for or against the measure. But were it once established that the Irish peasant has plenty to eat and drink-that he who desires employment will find it-that rents are paid-that bankrupts are comparatively few- and that the produce of the plough and the loom is sure to find a ready market-the question of emancipation would as sume from which it could not be forced an attitude of expediency, by casuistry or prejudice; for, if, after all these attributes of individual prosperity, the country continued distracted and disturbed, the people must evidently be in want of something independent of meat, drink, and clothes;' and perhaps the legislature might then discover that the wounds of Ireland were of political infliction, and could be healed * A Sketch of Ireland in 1824; the Sources of her Evils considered, and their Remedies suggested. By Sir William Hillary, Baronet. London, Simpkin and Marshall, 1825, 8vo. only by the application of political justice. Against complying with the claims of moral justice statesmen may allege a thousand apologies; but, render a measure absolutely expedient, and you leave them without an evasive answer. With regard to the question of emancipation, we think this has not been done, and we are of opinion it cannot be done in a manner less objectionable than by establishing the capability of existing circumstances in Ireland to render the people prosperous, if put in possession of their rights. We are aware that, with honest and rational men, existing misery would be a sufficient plea for emancipating the people; but the experience of the past teaches us that men's misfortunes are often converted into objections against them, and that the Catholic claims have, more than once, been resisted on these grounds alone. Besides, it must be admitted that the present ministry have recently done much for the trade of Ireland'; and, without taking Mr. Plunkett or Mr. Foster's word, the people ought now to be in possession of comparative happiness. Drawing a line of demarcation between national and individual prosperity, we have no hesitation in saying that Irishmen have it in their power to possess and enjoy as many substantial blessings as any people on the globe. This, we know, is an unfashionable assertion, that may excite ridicule in one part of the kingdom, and gain no proselytes in the other. Still we must persist in our statement; for, in addition to our personal knowledge on the subject, we think we are in possession of approximating facts that may satisfy minds not overfastidious; and, when these are opposed only by unsupported assertion, they are certainly entitled to a preference. Irish misery, with all its formidable concomitants, has been attributed directly, both by friends and foes, to the absence of commerce, superabundant population, small farms, barbarism, and want of education. Out of this formidable list grow many minor misfortunes; but, if we can dispose of the master evils,' the progeny of abortions will, of course, die along with them. · The ignorance of the learned is a prolific subject; and, perhaps, among the race who write, there cannot be found greater blockheads than those who have published their lucubrations, both in pamphlets and periodicals, on the state of Ireland. In vain facts, as plain as the proof-sheet before them, solicited their attention; but they had woven a web of theory, founded on the exact conclusions of political economy; and, though it contradicted fact, practice, and common sense, still it must be correct, for Scotch philosophers were never wrong. For political science we have every respect, and find fault only with those who misapply its rules; and never were they more grossly misapplied than in the case of Ireland. Great Britain may be said to comprise three kingdoms, England, Scotfand, and Wales, possessing a population of near fifteen millions, among whom are the wealthiest aristocracy in the world. Her nobility and her gentry are at least one hundred times more numerous than those of Ireland, and she enjoys commercial advantages denied to the sister kingdom. After all this, will it not surprise the reader to hear that her real imports and exports are little more than three times greater than those of Ireland? Wonder as you may, this is a fact; and, while a considerable part of her imports are raw materials, which constitute a large portion of her fabricated exports, the imports of Ireland may be called absolute luxuries, which are all consumed by the people. We admit that the sum-total of England's exports and imports is five times greater than those of Ireland; but in this there are items of goods in transitu, which have no more right to be enumerated than the cargoes of the East Indiamen who stop at Cork to take in provisions; for they are merely landed and reshipped, contributing little or nothing to the real wealth of the country. We shall illustrate our position by a reference to 1822; noţ from any partiality to a period of us. famine, when people, through distress, ate manure*. -or the newspapers lied-but because the official returns of that year are now before We find the imports of Great Britain (Ireland included) amount to 29,675,3201. Of this, however, 10,670,880l. were re-exported, leaving the real value of imports at 19,004,440l. which, added to the declared value of exports, (35,826,0821.) give 54,830,5221. as the amount of British imports and exports for 1822. During this year the imports of Ireland amounted to 6,548,515. and the declared value of exports to 9,808,0577. making the amount of imports and exports 16,356,5721. which, if multiplied by three and one-third, will give a greater sum than the whole amount of the imports and exports of Great Britain. This is a fact which proves that Ireland is not so deficient in trade as has been erroneously stated; and, if we examine the revenue of both countries, we shall find that, while the goods imported and exported by Great Britain are not three and one-third times greater in value than those imported and exported by Ireland, she pays twelve times as much in taxes; nay, even beggarly Scotland' + pays more excise, though the amount of her customs bears no proportion to that of Ireland. Here is another fact to set political economists inquiring; for we are so convinced of the advantage being in favour of Ireland, that we wonder, after this, how men could go on describing the people as idle and wretched, whose commerce was equal to that of one-third of the most trading nation of the world, yet who paid less taxes than a country whose inhabitants scarcely exceed the population of an Irish county. The truth is, Ireland stands at present in an enviable situation. Her commerce almost unrestricted, and her people almost free from taxa tion-her trade protected, and her expenditure paid by Great Britainwhat does she want? A restoration of her rights, and a knowledge of the advantages which she enjoys from her connexion with England: without the first, however, she is like the fabled wretch who stood in the midst of an element which he thirsted to drink without being able to taste. These remarks are to be understood as immediately referring to commerce, for we are not now discussing any local grievance, but stating a fact that ought to be generally known. Into minute details no one could expect us to enter; but for the general accuracy of the statement we are pledged. We hazard no opinion without due consideration; and, being more partial to practice than theory, we are happy in being able to state that the conclusions borne out by facts are confirmed by observation. Throughout Ireland, the people who are connected with trade and commerce bear but a slight resemblance to those of England: being more free from apprehension, they are less industrious, less systematic, and less shopkeepers; they live much better, see more company, spend more money and yet, after all, as many of them, comparatively speaking, make fortunes. In London alone, there are more bankrupts in twelve months than there have been in Ireland for the last twenty years; and, though in England there are more wealthy traders, there are in Ireland more happy ones. A Dublin shopkeeper must be poor indeed if he don't keep a horse and car for his family; whilst a London trader must be rich indeed if he keeps a chaise for himself. The contrast will hold good in whatever way we view it; and we are assured, by some of our commercial friends, that it is quite as easy to procure the needful in Dame Street as on Ludgate Hill. But perhaps we may be told, that, This charge of eating manure shows how easily even the agents of Charity may fall into error; for what was, after all, this manure, the eating of which shocked the nice humunity of delicate people? Nothing more, gentle reader, than sea kale—a prominent dish on the tables of the luxurious epicure, who may happen to reside on the sea-coast! We hope Mr. Cobbett will read this note, and avoid his fulsome allusions to this subject. ↑ Blackwood's Magazine. : though the inhabitants of cities and towns are not starving, the people in the country are. This is always the way with Irishmen: inquire for these starving people on the Shannon or Slaney, and you are told that they are to be found on the Blackwater and the Suire. Irish misery is thus always in the next parish; and we suspect that a good deal of the distress in 1822 was of this receding species not that we doubt but numbers were then in actual want, because there was a combination of circumstances sufficient to produce extensive calamity; but still we are quite sure there was much exaggeration, and the sequel proved this to be the case; for Charity, for once, had more to bestow than her supplicants needed. The dearth was local and limited; and since that period actual want has ceased in the district, and in no other part of the kingdom has such distress been manifested for years. The English journalists, however, have styled this partial distress 'the Irish famine;' and every booby who lectures on political economy illustrates his ' discoveries' by a reference to the Irish famine,' which he infers to be still continuing; proving, of course, to his own satisfaction, that where a people are so abundant, and without manufactures, there must be an Irish famine.' These opinions are not confined to the Scotch lecturers, for they have been urged in parliament, by very worthy members, without one dissenting voice. We are not surprised at this: mankind, high and low, have, in all ages, been led astray by theorists. Almost in our own day Rousseau's writings excited the French people to acts of dreadful frenzy; and Burke warmed English nation into an almost superhuman hatred of republican France. These authors caused calamityenough, but it was reserved for Mr. Malthus to the fright the isle from its propriety,' by threatening our grandchildren with the sudden irruption of a population of some hundred thousand millions. As a proof of the accuracy of this gentleman's theory, his followers triumphantly refer to Ireland, where the population, they state, has increased so prodigiously. We have our private doubts concerning this sudden increase; at least those who make the assertion have no data to found conclusions on; for it is notorious that, except the last, all the returns that have been made were grossly and culpably inaccurate. We are free, however, to admit that Ireland has at present a population of seven millions; and we are quite sure that there is ample room for them all. Some singular mistakes have been made on this subject, arising from the difference between Irish and English square miles; an ignorance of which has caused some journalists to represent the popula tion of Ireland as being nearly twice as dense as that of England. This, however, is not the case; for in that respect Ireland is only equal to that of England and Wales, computed together. It is true the people of Ireland mostly reside in the country; and here they have a decided advantage, unless small farms are an evil, which we think they are not. In saying this we are opposed by a host of authorities; but we fearlessly assert, that, when judiciously parcelled, they are not only a national, but an individual,blessing; and that, notwithstanding the number of small farms in Ireland, there still remain an abundance of large ones. Taking the population of Ireland at seven millions, and deducting two for those who reside in cities, towns, &c. there will remain five millions, including linen manufacturers, as occupiers of the soil. The superficial contents of the kingdom, according to Mr. Wakefield, are 20,437,974 English acres; but he admitted that Ireland had not yet been surveyed with sufficient care to determine exactly its size or situation;' and, considering the great inequality of its surface, perhaps we might be within the truth in assuming 22 millions of acres as the data to build our estimate upon. This, however, is not necessary for the present inquiry; and we shall therefore suppose, for sake of round numbers, that 21,000,000 acres is the extent; and, deducting one-seventh for waste land, we shall have 18,000,000 acres which we are to consider productive. Some persons have supposed one-fourth, or one fifth, of the whole superficies to be waste; but, considering how very small a portion of this ground is absolutely unproductive, we have a right to assume that not more than one-seventh is actually waste. Allowing six persons to each family, we shall then have, in round numbers, 840,000 families subsisting by agricultural labour; and these, so far from being too numerous for the area they have to occupy, if the land was fairly divided between them, it would give 21 English acres to each. This division, however, never can take place, and circumstances have already parcelled out the ground to them in very unequal portions. Nine-tenths of these may be called cottiers, and occupy farms of from one to ten acres. Three-fourths of the remainder are comfortable farmers, cultivating from 20 to 60 acres; and the residue may be said to possess from 100 to 1000 acres. They would then stand nearly as follow: Total Acres each Class. Large Farmers 21,000 500 10,500,000 the return to peace, by indirectly en couraging that system of Whiteboyism, which served as an apology for the non-payment of rent which they were unable to discharge. This is a well-known fact, and ought to be impressed on every cottier in Ireland; for, though these poor people swelled the number of Captain Rock's adherents, they had no sufficient personal cause to embark into illegal practices, as they were, and always have been, able to pay their rentalmost the only demand upon them, except tithes-when their superiors in rank were apprehensive of every shadow that darkened their door being that of a bailiff or sheriff's officer. A brief description of the condition of an Irish cottier will make this apparent. The word cottier, in Ireland, is synonymous with labourer in all other countries; and those who come under the denomination are composed of that class of society who are doomed, by a wise Providence, literally to earn their bread by the 'sweat of their brow.' We have no occupied by right, therefore, to expect in these any thing not found in the major part of the population of all kingdoms-any thing but a perpetual necessity to toil and economizeany thing but what are the associates of a poor man-want, worldly want, and a long train of what many will consider privations. Nine-tenths of mankind are necessarily reduced to this condition; and, whatever theorists may say, in this condition they must continue while the economy of this world prevails. 17,934,000 Total. . 840,000 From this scale of farms it will be readily seen that the poor man may possess a potatoe-garden without any disadvantage to large farms; for, after the cottiers are supplied, there would remain, on an average, for each parish, 34 farmers, who would possess from 20 to 1000 acres of land each-farms fully adequate to any system of husbandry which can be advantageously introduced into Ireland. At present it is well known to those acquainted with the south that the most solvent and comfortable people are those who till from 20 to 50 acres; and that, generally speaking, large farmers, from their want of capital, are seldom able to meet their pecuniary demands are slovenly in their method of husbandry-and are the cause of much of that distress which prevailed immediately after An Irish cottier is to be looked upon as the poorest man in the kingdom; one who, if he was not entitled to the appellation he bears, would be called a labourer, depending on his daily toil for support. At present he enjoys a portion of independence, which he would then lose, and cannot be under the apprehensions of him who has to provide for the day that is passing over him, because he can, if the fault is not his own, always possess an annual supply of provisions which habit has reconciled him to, that places him beyond the reach of absolute want, pauperism, and hunger. |