shortest and the longest return of market will find few abettors on the Royal Exchange; and, even were it true, Liverpool and Bristol are as near as Dublin to Cork or Waterford. What Mr. Ensor calls a farce are the natural operations of commerce; and there is no circumvolution that would not take place, were Irish proprietors all residing in Dublin. We have known that city before and since the Union, and are prepared to say that it exhibited quite as much misery when Grattan and Flood shook a native senate as it has since moneychangers took up their abode in the temple of the legislature. It is an error to suppose that the presence of aristocratic wealth banishes distress. Dublin, and twenty miles round, is inhabited by nine-tenths of Ireland's resident gentry and men of wealth: yet it does now, and always did, exhibit within that circle more misery than all the rest of Ireland combined. The same thing happens in rural districts; for a resident proprietor of the county of Cork, in his examination before the Select Committee, reiterates the fact, that where there are no gentry the people are most contented and happy. Leave man to himself; God did not create him to depend upon either charity or the generosity of noblemen.

We do not exactly understand what Mr. Ensor means by a double market. If he thinks that England would receive Irish corn and provisions, though Irishmen refused to make use of her manufactures, he deceives himself. She now pays thirty or forty per cent. more than she could import these things from the Continent for; and, if Mr. Ensor doubts the encouragement which England gives to Irish agriculture, we refer him to his own rent-roll. Were grain only ten shillings a barrel in place of twenty, Mr. Ensor could expect only ten shillings an acre for fand which now produces him twenty. We don't mean to say that such a state of things, provided they were permanent, would be injurious to his

tenantry for it is an advantage, which agriculture alone possesses, that the price of land is always regulated by the price of agricultural produce. The landlord may reside where he pleases-even in Algiers-without injury to his tenant; for rent is that sum which remains, after the farmer has made his proper deductions for labour, interest of capital, &c. If the landlord by his presence enables the farmer to get high prices, he gets a high rent: if, by his absence, he contributes to low prices, he gets a low rent. In either case the farmer's profits are the same. Absence or residence is a question of prudence to be decided by the landlord. Irish proprietors are the last men who should declaim against England, for the connexion contributes considerably to their annual income.

*

Mr. Ensor has fallen into another error, by saying that we give a preference to absentee landlords. We do no such thing; we only say that resident landlords are some of the very worst; and a thing so notorious does not require proof. The estates of some absentees may be badly managed; and so is the property of many residents. We could never see any difference between them.

We did think that Mr. Ensor had in him more of the spirit of democracy than to become the advocate of a bloated aristocracy. That they are useless, Mr. Ensor's favourite America bears witness; and Switzerland has for centuries done very well without them. Were every proprietorlike Mr. Ensor himself-blending literature with humanity, and looking upon his fellow man, in whatever station, as a being equally favoured by nature, and equally entitled to civil rights-then we would hail their residence on their estates as a peculiar blessing. But this is notoriously not the case; and, therefore, we rejoice that Ireland's aristocracy may reside where they please in his majesty's dominions, without injury to their country.

Mr. Ensor's letter shows what er

rors a noble and a generous mind may fall into when over-zealous for the good of an abused and injured country. We admire his patriotism, but are confident that in this instance his views are mistaken. We, too, love Ire

land, and are quite sure that we could not evince that love better than by proving that her grievances are notas her enemies say-attributable in the slightest degree to absenteeism.

WILLIAM WYNDHAM, Lord Grenville, is the second son of the celebrated George Grenville, brother of Earl Temple, and who, previous to the American war, was regarded as an able financier. One of his projects (the Stamp Act), however, led to eventful consequences, one of which was the American Revolution. The subject of our memoir was born October the 25th, 1759; and, after receiving a liberal education, he entered parliament at a very early age. He joined the party headed by Mr. Pitt, and greatly distinguished himself by his speeches in support of measures recommended by the ministry. From the abilities he thus early displayed his party looked upon him as one qualified to fill the highest offices in the state. Accordingly, he was soon after appointed Speaker of the House of Commons; and, in 1791, he succeeded the Duke of Leeds as secretary of state for the foreign department.

At this critical period he evinced great political knowledge in his negotiation with the European powers; and, about the same time, he was elevated to the peerage by the title of Lord Grenville.

In 1796 he retired, and remained out of office until his celebrated coalition with Mr. Fox, in 1800. The result of that measure is well known. The Whigs were soon discarded, and the Tories continued in the exclusive enjoyment of power until 1819, when the Grenville party were once more admitted to office.

Lord Grenville was long distinguished for his zeal and perseverance in advocating the claims of the Roman Catholics. When in office in 1800 he brought that measure forward, and, at two subsequent periods, supported it in his place in the House

of Lords. In 1810, however, he addressed a letter to Lord Fingal, declaratory of his opinion respecting securities then agitated, from which it appeard that he was an advocate for the veto. Such a measure,' said he,' accompanied by suitable arrangements, maturely prepared and deliberately adopted, would, I am confident, above all others, give strength and unity to the empire, and increased security to its religious and civil establishments. To those establishments I am unalterably attached; their inviolable maintenance I have ever considered as essential to all the dearest interests of my country: but they rest, I am certain, on foundations much too firm, they are far too deeply rooted in the affections of that community to which they dispense the blessings of religion, order, and liberty, to require the adventitious and dangerous support of partial restrictions, fruitful in discontent, but for security wholly inefficient.'

In consequence of these sentiments the Catholic petition was withdrawn from his lordship, and confided to the care of the late Earl of Donoughmore. Lord Grenville and his party, however, are entitled to Catholic gratitude, for they have always been zealous advocates for emancipation; and, latterly, they have supported that measure independent of restrictions. Mr. Plunkett owes his late elevation to the Grenvilles.

Lord Grenville now resides exclusively at his country seat, and has not for some years taken his place in the House of Lords.

The portrait which accompanies the present number exhibits his lordship in his robes as Chancellor of Oxford University. It is drawn by Hoppner, and engraved by the first of British artists, Mr. Heath.