Correspondence Is the Corollary Logical? To the Editors of The Outlook: Permit me to express my very great admiration for your survey of the Nineteenth Century in The Outlook of December 29. The various appreciations impressed me as remarkable for their breadth of sympathy and their nice discrimination. May I, however, without seeming to criticise even while I commend, say that the passage in the entire series of articles which impressed me as the most timely and significant was that where, speaking of the development of nationalism, your contributor wrote: "Grouping these events together, we may safely deduce from them, as one of the results of the century, that communities occupying contiguous territory and possessing the same racial and linguistic peculiarities belong, under the divine order, to one political organism." It is, I suppose, a logical corollary of this proposition that communities which are geographically, racially, and linguistically antipodal do not belong to one political organism, "in the divine order" or in any other. "The bearings of this observation lays in the application on it." Brooklyn, N. Y. JOHN W. CHADWICK. "Church or Sect?" To the Editors of The Outlook : In your issue of December 8, 1900, there is a very interesting article with the above title; but I do not feel it right to pass over the remarks of President William De Witt Hyde in regard to the Universalist denomination without an effort to put the writer and the readers of the article in the way of seeing the injustice of such an estimate of that denomination as therein put forth. The Universalists have, I acknowledge, "harped" pretty emphatically and successfully on one "issue," bringing out of that one string sweet strains of the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man and the final salvation of all through attained holiness. They have succeeded in leavening most other denominations with love of the same sweet strain. But when the writer speaks of their "underestimate of the weight of moral responsibility," I must strongly object. Statistics of crime will not confirm the fact that Universalists are careless of moral responsibility. The teaching of their catechism, taught to their children, "For every sin which I commit I must suffer the consequence, either in this world or the world of spirit," does not seem adapted to promote an "underestimate of moral responsibility." The short "Universalist Declaration of Faith" (1) The Universal Fatherhood of God, (2) the spiritual authority and leadership of his Son Jesus Christ, (3) the trustworthiness of the Bible as containing a revelation from God, (4) the certainty of just retribution for sin, (5) the final harmony of all souls with God-I think many candid people would esteem as worthy to stand side by side with the simple and comprehensive confession and covenant. suggested by the writer of the article so admirable in many respects. The close of the civil century seems an appropriate time for noting a few peculiarities of the calendar and certain differences in marking off its parts. The discussions of a year ago served to show that years of the civil century are ordinal numbers and that A.D. 1900 should be interpreted the 1900th year, and is equiv alent to what would be called 1899 in the age of a tree, for age is always expressed in cardinal numbers. The practice of astronomers in reckoning dates is, however, different from that of historians. It is the custom for astronomers to affix the signs for subtraction and addition to contrast dates before the Christian era with those subsequent to it; thus - 10 refers to a date before, and +10 to a date after, the era. But astronomers make the beginning of the era 0, and leave a space of two years between − 1 and +1, as is required in mathematics. The 1 year of the astronomer is 1 A.D. The O year is 1 B.C., and the 1 year is the year 2 B.C. It is perhaps no more out of place for the astronomical century to begin a year before the civil century than for the astronomical day to begin twelve hours later than the civil day. With the astronomer January 1, 1901, begins at noon of that civil day instead of the preceding midnight. A more serious element of confusion is found in habits of civil reckoning, especially that of reckoning decades. The years 1870, 1880, and 1890 have been commonly referred to as the opening years of new decades, for they are the beginning of decades in the 1800 series. Yet they are a year in advance of the opening of the corresponding nineteenthcentury decades. The first decade of the 1900 series began with the year 1900, but the first decade of the twentieth century begins with 1901. The civil century seems, therefore, an awkward mode of marking time, being a year out of harmony with the customary division of time in decades as well as a year different from the astronomical century. It may be well to notice also that in civil reckoning the hours, minutes, and seconds are expressed in cardinals; but days, months, and years are ordinals. It is no wonder that with such a calendar much discussion has risen as to the time when the new century is to begin. FRANK LEVERETT. United States Geological Survey, Ann Arbor, Mich. Expansion and Growth To the Editors of The Outlook : Your special commissioner in the Philippines makes use of the expression, now becoming somewhat threadbare, "When a nation ceases to expand, it begins to contract." This has been crystallized into a maxim (no pun intended); yet it may be hoped that one is neither a traitor to his country nor to his party who applies the wedge of doubt to the fissure of uncertainty to cleave the false from the true. The saying referred to certainly meets our optimistic approval so long as we are the nation expanding at the expense of the other fellow. But where will the end be, and what the result, when this small globe is parceled out among the strongest Powers? When there can be no more expansion, does it follow that the surviving nation must take "the downward course which leads to death"? The question answers itself. A nation or a municipality cannot be likened to a man or a tree. The latter, in the course of nature, have their periods of growth, maturity, and decay. A nation should rather be likened to a coral reef; the individual organisms die, but succeeding multitudes continue their work, and the reef becomes an island, and the island perchance a continent. History can be quoted to establish pretty nearly any position that any writer wishes to take. But the opinion of some is that in Rome's day of trial the blood and treasure expended in expansion would. have been of more value at home; that the same is true in later days of Spain; that the efforts of the First Napoleon toward the expansion of France resulted in humiliating military and financial disaster; that the most perfect type of a republic to-day is little Switzerland, with no chance of expansion in any direction; that the word expansion," as applied to the growth of man or nations, should and does in its truest sense mean the conquering of and the application to our needs and growth of the resources of nature. The wresting of the North American continent from its aboriginal possessors, and its transformation from a vast game preserve into the granary of the world, seems legitimate, as may in time the culture of cabbage in your Central Park, or the passing of the possession of the vast uncultivated estates of the Old World to those entitled to them under the divine right of hunger. But the soil in the Philippines, as in China, is occupied and tilled by their native population. The AngloSaxon farmer has no moral right there. And if we have no right to possess the heathen's soil, what better claim have we to take his markets? Claude Duval stands higher in popular esteem than Pecksniff. Let us avoid the sin of hypocrisy, and, if we must emulate the deeds of our Viking forebears, state boldly and at once that the distant parts of the earth are "our meat" because we have the men and the guns to prove it; or else, as heretofore, expand along the lines of Scranton, Dec. 30.-The ending of the electric railway strike, which to-day began its second week, seems near. To-day word was sent the strikers' Executive Committee from General Manager Silliman's office that President Clark and the General Manager, with several of the local stockholders, would like to meet the whole body of employees and taik the matter over with them. Accordingly a conference was arranged for to-night, and it is now in progress. This morning the strikers attended service at Elm Park Methodist Episcopal Church. The pastor, Dr. C. M. Griffin, said their demands seemed justified by existing conditions, commended the men for their good order, and hoped they would win. He urged all hearers not to ride upon the cars while the trouble continued. General Manager Silliman was also present at the services. I do not remember ever before to have heard of an instance where any large body of strikers were invited to be present, as such, in a religious gathering for the express purpose of bringing their wants in touch with the church and extending to them the advice and sympathy of the pulpit. I regard it as a distinct advance both for the working people and the church, an advance full of promise to both. There has been much profound consideration of the question of the ever-widening gap between the church and the work ing people, and one who is in touch with industrial conditions does not wonder so Imuch that the masses of the toilers do drift away, as that they have not gone faster and farther. It has been the general feeling among the working people that, when they have sought for relief, the church was usually on the side of the employer, and kept discreetly silent for fear of the loss of pecuniary support if it espoused the cause of the working classes. But better things are coming when the men and the general manager will go to the same church and listen to the same sermon, and the preacher has the sincerity and courage to address both in the teachings of Him who came to bring peace on the earth. When the men must go to a tavern, or a hall over a tavern, to hold their meetings, is it to be wondered at that the saloon influence corrupts them? If they are wrong. where so appropriate a place to set them right as in the schools of Jesus of Nazareth? If they are right, who the teachers of the gospel of righteousso properly should espouse their cause as ness? If there are elements of both right advise, counsel, and help as men whose and wrong, who ought to be so able to lives are consecrated to the work of uplifting the human race? I may add that, in my experience of thirty-five years in connection with the coal, iron, and railroad interests of Pennsylvania as an employer or superintendent, there has probably never been a strike that did not have in it some elements of righteousness. Eagle's Mere, Pa. B. G. W. New York's Problem To the Editors of The Outlook: Allow me to cast the following into the civic caldron from the seething of which the burghers of Manhattan so confidently expect a purifying medicament to come. In seeking to eliminate evil from a community, as is now being done in the city of New York, there are two ways of proceeding; by one only temporary relief can be realized, while by the other, if strenuously followed, the civic ulcers can be lifted out by the roots. The first is the usual way, and the people of that great city will probably, as heretofore, place their hopes upon it. It is for them to grapple with effects, and, after brightening up the exterior, think there is sufficient reason to congratulate themselves on having brought the reformation to a successful issue. A Tweed has been sent to prison, but the undercurrent of corruption flows on with unabated force. to break at the surface some day, having a Platt or a Croker confidently, even defiantly, riding its topmost crest. The other way is to attack the causes which breed the vile manifestations such as are now agitating the good citizens of the metropolis. If this argument were applied to a diseased human body, the invariable reply would rightly be, That is axiomatic. A doctor would be scorned from his profession who only treated the irruption that might result from a scrofulous diathesis. But when the body politic is diseased, the minds of men seem to concentrate upon the surface indications, and he is indeed a bold reformer who dares proclaim to his fellow-citizens that conditions must be so changed as to eradicate the causes. Fear of change, politely called conservatism, the paralyzer of nations, invariably stands across the path when radical treatment of corruption in a city or a State is contemplated, and, by its cry of the sacredness of vested rights, effectually blocks the way until outraged decency is driven to desperation and proceeds upon a rational line of action, as in Glasgow, Manchester, and many other European cities. That the moral rights of the whole citizenship must take pre-eminence of individual rights should be the active principle in all reformatory movements. Unless this is done in New York, the dethronement of Croker will bring no permanent good, will end in another fiasco. The sources of corruption there, as in all large cities, are the franchises and the saloons. The remedy is for the people to take possession of the street-car systems, the gas, telephone, and electric light plants; close all the saloons and establish dispensaries; and, lastly, but of the greatest importance, inaugurate direct legislation, including the imperative mandate or recall, as recently adopted in Los Angeles, Cal. The carrying out of such a programme requires more determination and persistency than are usually available, but in no other way can the politics of New York be purified. J. O. T. Notes and Queries It is seldom possible to answer any inquiry in the next issue after its receipt. Those who find expected answers late in coming will, we hope, bear in mind the impediments arising from the constant pressure of many subjects upon our limited space. Communications should always bear the writer's name and address. Any book named in Notes and Queries will be sent by the publishers of The Outlook, postpaid, on receipt of price. 1. Matthew Arnold's attitude towards the Bible includes such various elements that it is difficult to liken any other writer to him, though many agree with him more or less. For instance, it is far to seek for another who combines with so free a hand an advocacy of the genuineness of the Fourth Gospel. 2. See A. Sabatier's "The Apostle Paul and His Doctrine" (James Pott & Co., New York, $2). Please mention the best half-dozen books treating primarily the Resurrection and secondarily the Christian doctrine of immortality, and oblige "EASTER." "Resurrection of Our Lord" (Macmillan, New York, $2.75); "Man and the Spiritual World" (G. W. Jacobs, Philadelphia, $1.25); "Beyond the Shadow" (T. Whittaker, New York, $1.25);" The Problem of Immortality" (Macmillan, $4.50); “A Study of Death" (Harpers, New York $1.50); "Immortality and the New Theodicy" (Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston, $1). Please mention the best brief but comprehensive works on the following subjects: (1) The Oxford Movement in the middle of this century. (2) The history of science and scientific thought and of invention during the century. E. H. A. 1. "Five Great Oxford Leaders" (Macmillan Company, New York, $1.75). 2. Story of the Nineteenth Century" (Harpers. New York, $2.50), "Progress of Invention in the Nineteenth Century" (Munn & Co., New York, $3). Please let me know what to read, and where can be had literature of the Higher Critics in reference to Bible teaching. P. T. W. S. See Professor Batten's Modern View of the Old Testament" (James Pott & Co., New York, $1.25); Dr. Horton's " Revelation and the Bible" (Macmillan Company, We advise you by all means to read Spencer's "Data of Ethics," but to read something else first, as Spencer presents simply one hemisphere of the subject, and that the lower, in such a way as to give the impression that it is the whole. Read Muirhead's "Elements of Ethics" (Scribners, New York, $1), then Spencer's " Data," then Bixby's "Crisis in Morals," of which a new edition is coming out. Who is the author of "Old wood to burn, old books to read, old friends to trust "? L. V. F. W. Lord Bacon, in his " Apothegms," says: Alonso of Aragon was wont to say, in commendation of age, that age appears to be best in four things-old wood best to burn, old wine to drink, old friends to trust, and old authors to read." We would refer many, who have written to us during the year for such a thing, to a series of Lessons on "the History of the Bible, covering not only the origin of the various writings, but the sifting and choosing of them, the preservation of them in manuscripts, the many translations, ancient and modern, the various uses and interpretations of the Bible in ancient and modern times, and the influence which it has had in the world." The book whose description is here copied from its announcement is a little larger than the catechism, “Christian Teaching," which we commended a year ago, and may be procured from the author of the same, the Rev. W. J. Mutch, Ph.D., New Haven, Conn., for fifteen cents. It is intended for pupils twelve years and upward. For younger pupils a simpler course is in preparation, Vol. 67 The Cases in the Supreme Court Published Weekly January 19, 1901 Adhering to our principle not to attempt to forecast the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the cases now pending before it respecting the Constitutional rights of residents in the recently acquired territories, still less to assume to prejudge those cases, we here attempt only to restate for the convenience of our readers the fundamental principles involved, that the decision may be more clearly understood when announced. There are two questions, evidently very distinct, though sometimes confounded in newspaper discussions: one, What are the powers of the United States? the other, What are the powers of Congress? First: Is the United States a Nation, with all the powers and prerogatives of nationality, so that it may do whatever any other nation may do make war, acquire territory, and exercise the rights of sovereignty over that territory in whatever way it judges best for its own interest and the interest of the new peoples, in conformity with its own fundamental principles? or is it a confraternity of States with limited powers explicitly defined in the Constitution, which is to be regarded as articles of partnership? Second: In this Nation or this Confederacy, what are the rights and powers of Congress as representative of the people? How far are they limited by the Constitution? What powers, if any, have they, not explicitly conferred by the Constitution? There is, for example, no question in any one's mind that Congress cannot establish slavery in the new territories, because Article XIII., Section 1, explicitly declares that "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction." Is it also true that Congress cannot levy special taxes on Porto Rico or the Philippines because the Constitution No. 3 provides that "all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States"? Are the new territories in such a sense parts of the United States that their inhabitants are citizens of the United States because Article XIV., Section 1, provides that "all persons born. or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside"? According to the first What is Implied view the Nation, through Congress as its representative body, has political power to do with territories which it has acquired everything which is not directly inconsistent with and prohibited by explicit provisions in the Constitution, though it has no moral right to treat the people of those Statesto quote the words of Secretary Root in his first annual report-otherwise than "in accordance with the underlying principles of justice and freedom which we have declared in our Constitution and which are the essential safeguards of every individual against the powers of government." According to the other view, when a territory is acquired by the United States, it becomes, by the fact of the acquisition, a part of the United States, and its inhabitants become at once entitled to all the privileges and prerogatives conferred by the Constitution upon citizens of the United States. If the second ground is taken by the Supreme Court of the United States, all questions submitted to it respecting the rights of Porto Ricans and Filipinos will be at once determined; their political rights will be identical with those of all other citizens of the United States. If the first of these two positions is taken by the Court, it will then remain for it to 135 |