in ignorance as well as of the white taxpayers whose money it would save. But the rights of the negro were championed by three Senators, one of whom took advanced grounds against the race prejudices on which slavery had rested, and the Senate tabled the recommendation of the Committee by a vote of 19 to 12. Still more encouraging than this public debate is an editorial which appeared recently in the Atlanta "Constitution" commending a speech delivered at Boston by President Bumstead, of the colored university at Atlanta, advocating the higher education of his race. The article in the "Constitution" urges that the support of the higher schools for the negro is needed as a matter of economy, because without these higher schools the six million dollars which the Southern States spend annually for negro public schools will largely go to waste for the want of competent negro teachers. The editorial says:

One graduate of Atlanta University has trained two hundred teachers, who in turn are instructing ten thousand children. The figures [given by President Bumstead] show that since 1825, 2,414 negroes have been graduated from college. Returns received from some six hundred show an individual holding of real estate of an average assessed value of nearly $2,500. Returns from more than half of all these graduates show that 55 per cent. were teachers, 19 per cent. ministers, 6 per cent. doctors, and 3 per cent. lawyers; or 83 per cent. engaged in teaching and the professions. Listen to this:

Ninety per cent, of those graduated in Southern colleges remain and work in the South, while fully fifty per cent. of those graduated in the North go South and labor where the masses of their people live.

Not only do we retain ninety per cent. of these educated black people, but fifty per cent. of those educated North come back-a compliment to the South, as the place best adapted to them; but a menace also, unless we arouse and keep our white boys in front of the procession! Not suppression of negro education, even were that possible, but competition, will give to the dominant race the advantage assumed by natural capacity.

When such an editorial as this appears in the leading newspaper in Georgia, the friends of equal rights can take fresh courage.

Several matters relating to

The Philippines the Philippines have attracted attention during the past week. One despatch from Manila states that the Filipinos there "have been enjoying recently novel experiences in the holding

of free, open political meetings;" at these meetings former insurgents urged their friends to accept the propositions for government made by the United States. The same despatch states that General MacArthur has ordered the deportation to Guam of several leaders of the insurgents who have refused to accept the American theories and maintain their demand for Filipino independence. Among these men who have been sent to Guam-which some of our papers are now calling the American St. Helena-are Mabini (probably the ablest of insurgent advisers intellectually) and General Del Pilar. The Philippine Commission has completed a code for municipal government, under which civil government will be established in the place of military law in several towns. In various parts of Luzon insurgent camps had been captured and destroyed. Senator Paterno, who heads one faction of the recently formed Federal party among the Filipinos, has published an address which states that, while the declared principles of the party (namely, the acceptance of American sovereignty) will do for the present, eventually the Filipinos will seek fuller independence, and that the relations between the Philippines and the United States should be merely those of Australia and Canada with Great Britain. In Manila a new school law is being discussed by the municipal council and the United States Commission; strong opposition has been offered by native leaders to a proposition to allow religious instruction in the schools out of school hours and with the consent of the parents; even this, they say, would give the friars an opportunity which they might abuse. A petition from two thousand Filipinos reached Washington last week and was offered to Congress; it prays Congress to make a positive declaration of its policy towards the Philippine Islands, denies that the Filipinos are to be regarded as disorganized tribes, asserting, on the contrary, that they are homogeneous, and that eighty per cent. of the natives can read and write.

confirmed. It has been supposed that this splendid soldier's bravery was equaled by his humanity. The despatch is to the effect that last week "three agents of the Peace Committee" were taken as prisoners to General De Wet's laager near Lindley, that one of the agents, a British subject, was flogged and then shot, and that the other two burghers were flogged. Flogging, as a mode of punishment, is opposed to any code of civilized warfare; and the comment in England on such an act will doubtless be bitterly accentuated if it is shown that one of the victims-the one who was shot after being flogged-was a subject of the Queen. General De Wet, however, might reply that he was justified in shooting any Englishman who should tamper with his troops. The Peace Committee to which reference is made is believed to be that organized by some of the Boer burghers living near Kroonstad, in the late Orange Free State, who recently adopted resolutions urging their brethren to conclude peace, and declaring that General De Wet and President Steyn were the only real obstacles to such a conclusion. Despite the fact that the Kroonstad appeal criticises the recent Africander Congress at Worcester as "misleading and giving false impressions," it is interesting to note that the Dutch farmers of the Worcester and Hermon districts of Cape Colony have held meetings at which resolutions were adopted expressing approval of this appeal. The prevention of rebellion by the Boers in Cape Colony has resulted quite as likely from the influence of Dutch burghers as from the display of armed activity by the British at Cape Town and elsewhere. Another reason for the absence of a rebellion may perhaps lie in the fact that the lines of British communication from the sea to Pretcria have not been permanently broken by the recent Boer raids. At the same time those raids form a very unusual event in the history of war. More than a month has now elapsed since the Boers crossed the Orange River and entered Cape Colony. So far as the outside world knows, the London War Office is still in deplorable ignorance with regard to the numbers of the invaders. Beyond the fact that they are moving southward over sparsely in habited tracts, it has apparently failed to locate them for more than a day at any

point; this, however, is not surprising, since no armed bodies have ever changed bases with greater rapidity than that which has characterized Boer movements. In the Transvaal last week Boer operations were remarkable because of a dozen engagements east of Pretoria, but especially from the fact that the Boers actually attacked two railway stations close to that capital. In all of the engagements the Boers seem to have suffered final defeat, though at severe cost to the British.

China and the American Government

Last week the United States Government received its first setback in the conduct of diplomatic negotiations concerning China. The week previous, Secretary Hay had proposed that negotiations be conducted at some place other than Peking and outside China, preferably at Washington. The reason given was that the transfer might facilitate the conclusion of negotiations as a whole by separating those still requiring considering and deliberation from those already determined. The proposition was opposed by the other Powers, (1) because of the expense involved in two sets of commissioners; (2) because such a course would diminish local pressure on the Chinese; (3) because, for a conference outside of the Chinese Empire, certain Chinese statesmen must be invited whose presence in China is necessary at present, while if they remained in China there would be delay in exchanging communications between them and the new commissioners at a new place; (4) because such a knowledge of recent Chinese affairs as is possessed only by the accredited representatives of the Powers at Peking would be indispensable. Although he believed himself to be acting. for the best interests of all concerned, Mr. Hay has now deemed it advisable to withdraw his proposition. At the same time, wishing above all else to avoid delay in the progress of the negotiations, het has not only urged Mr. Conger, our Minister to China, to urge forward the early conclusion of the negotiations, but has also requested the Powers to all unnecessary delay. A circumstance which will expedite matters is the signing, after irritating postponement,

by the Chinese representatives, acting under direct instructions from the Imperial courts, of the note defining the conditions of a permanent peace treaty. Mr. Conger's signature to this note was made under a public reservation exempting the United States, in case of difficulties with the Imperial Government, from any obligation to make war or to occupy any part of China.

China and the

most

Perhaps the American Missionaries gratifying information received from China for a twelvemonth was the welcome cablegram "Forward," received last week by the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions. This word, being interpreted, means that all missionaries destined for work in the Central China Presbyterian Mission may start at once. The Central China Presbyterian Mission includes missions at Nanking, Suchau, Shanghai, Hangchau, and Ningpo. Over a quarter of the two hundred Presbyterian missions in the Empire are in this particular field. Sir Claude MacDonald, the British Minister to China during the siege at Peking, has brought to the notice of the London Foreign Office the conduct of certain men who specially distinguished themselves during the attacks on the Legation quarter. Among these names were those of the Rev. F. D. Gamewell, of the American Methodist Mission, and Mr. Herbert Squiers, Secretary of the United States Legation at Peking. Sir Claude states (a fact which has not been generally known before) that Mr. Gamewell carried out the entire defenses of the British Legation, defenses which excited the admiration of the officers of the various nationalities who have since inspected them. As a tribute to their excellence, not a woman or child of all the nationalities gathered in the Legation suffered, despite five weeks' constant rifle fire. Sir Claude adds that a particular and profound debt of gratitude is owed to Mr. Gamewell by all the besieged. After the death of Captain Strouts, Mr. Squiers acted as Sir Claude's Ichief of staff. The Minister says that he cannot speak too highly of the ability and zeal of Mr. Squiers, his earlier services in the United States Army having been of great aid to him in defending the Lega

tion where all the foreigners were temporarily housed. Mr. Squiers designed and carried out the barricades on the Tartar wall, and, under Sir Claude's orders, drew the plan for the entry of the foreign troops, a plan conveyed to the attacking British General Gaselee by a messenger let down from the wall. This action of Sir Claude MacDonald and of the British Foreign Office is graceful, generous, and will make for international comity everywhere.

The Foreign Financial Markets

The recent failure of a great mining and promoting corpora

tion in London, followed by the failures of fifteen brokers there, and, in Berlin, the suspension of two mortgage banks, are events in startling contrast to American prosperity. In reality, however, they clear the world trade market of weak undertakings. That is the reason why conservative investors in any country welcome the test of a hesitating market; with cheap concerns out of the way, the really solid enterprises stand out in their proper place. In England, however, there has been a special reason for present financial depression, and, unfortu nately for the London market, the reason will probably exist for some time to come. The heavy losses represented by the bill of six hundred million dollars already incurred on account of the Boer war, as well as the continued interruption of the annual eighty-million-dollar supply of gold from the Rand mines, have now had their natural result. The Bank of England has experienced a severe and an almost unprecedented tension, resulting especially from the particularly unfavorable tidings received during the past month from South Africa. The Bank has been obliged to advance its rate of discount from four to five per cent.—an action the more remarkable from the fact that an advance in rates has not occurred in January for nearly two decades. The gold reserve of the Bank of England is many million dollars below what it was a twelvemonth since. The outlook for a hardening money market in London has been only slightly altered by the later comparatively favorable statement of the Bank of England-its proportion of

reserve to liability now more nearly approaching normal conditions. English investors confidently expect, however, that the high money rate in London will attract much cash from America, despite the extraordinarily active investment and speculative market here. In cheering contrast to the reports of failures in Berlin came the report last week of the great Deutsche Bank of that city, a report covering thirty years of its history. It has increased its capital ten times its original amount, accumulated a reserve of twelve million dollars, distributed two hundred and fifty per cent. in dividends to its stockholders, and has now no less than sixty-five thousand current and deposit accounts. Such a report speaks eloquently of Germany's real prosperity, disturbed only temporarily by the excess of production and the foolish speculations which have characterized her commercial history during the past two or three years.

A few years ago, America versus Europe Count Goluchowski, Austrian Foreign Minister, called attention to the commercial superiority of the United States, and declared that a European Customs Union was the only means of defending the Old World against the new competition. Later, Count von Bülow, now Imperial German Chancellor, proposed a series of European protectionist tariffs as a prevention of American trade-supremacy. It seems strange that this statesman did not see that the increase in taxes on the necessaries of life, following his proposal, would hamper German industry especially for the benefit of agrarians. The latest advocate of a European economic federation to meet American competition is M. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, the eminent French publicist. With apparently amicable feelings towards the United States, he is inspired by equally regretful feelings at witnessing the gradual disappearance of European trade, and, to check our supremacy-which he considers the leading characteristic of the new century-declares that federation in Europe is not only advisable but is the only thing to save the Old World. As the comment of Vienna papers on American affairs as well as on European affairs has always been particularly acute, it is inter

esting to note what two of the principal organs of that capital have to say on this subject. The "Neues Wiener Journal finds the cause of our supremacy in the extraordinary development of the Trust system, and says that the object of the immense economic changes now taking place in this country can only be to flood Europe and European markets in Asia to a still greater extent with American industrial products. The "Wiener Tageblatt " reads a timely lesson to all of the European States. It declares that within the next few decades not only all Europe, but Asia, Africa, and Australia, will be debtors to America if they do not take precautions in time to prevent themselves from falling into a state of economic dependence. Far from placing too great an emphasis on European economic federation, the "Tageblatt" declares the only way to avoid such a fate to lie in abolishing the present form of militarism, which is like a cancer on all European agriculture, industry, and trade. It is owing to the almost intolerable burden of taxation imposed upon Europe by militarism, adds the Tageblatt," that America is gradually becoming the creditor of the world. There is a considerable amount of truth in this statement, which, however, by no means covers the whole ground.

66

The Papacy

During the past week English dukes seem to have found a new field of activity, if we may judge from the words and deeds of two of them, the Duke of Norfolk and the Duke of Newcastle. The first named is the premier Duke of England, and is the lay head of the English Roman Catholic party. Speaking for a large body of pilgrims last. week in Rome, the Duke, although an ex-member of the English Cabinet, expressed the hope that the Pope might regain his temporal power. This utterance, coming from such a source, made an unpleasant impression both in England and Italy, countries which have long enjoyed a real friendship. The British Ambassador immediately called upon the Marquis Visconti-Venosta, Italian Foreign Minister, and expressed to him the regret of the English Government that any such statement should have been made, receiving in return an assurance that the Italian

Government had measured the utterance of the Duke of Norfolk at its just value. In England the indignation was far greater than in Italy; the London "Times" described the Duke's address as characterized not only by odious religious intolerance but also by gross lack of tact. The Vatican supporters alone were delighted, but they may well remember that the Duke has not the slightest power to commit either the Government or the Conservative party to a policy which would directly menace not only Italian unity and independence, but also the spirit of modern Liberalism throughout the world. The Duke spoke for a handful of people who in no sense represent even Roman Catholic opinion in England. "Nothing could be more contemptible than the Duke of Norfolk's behavior," says the "Daily News." "If the Italian Government had known that he was visiting Rome for the purpose of protesting against its presence in its own capital, it would have been perfectly justified in stopping him at the frontier. Not content with insulting the King of Italy and the people of Rome, his despicable address also condemned the toleration of Italian Protestants by the Italian Government. It would be difficult for an English Catholic to sink lower."

English and American Ritualists

The Duke of Newcastle occupies among English ritualists a position somewhat similar to that which the Duke of Norfolk holds among English Roman Catholics. He has come to this country on an interesting and curious mission. Accompanied by two prominent English clergymen of ritualistic tendencies, he hopes to accomplish a kind of federation or union between the ritualists in the two countries. It is proposed to publish in this city an American edition of the London "Church Review," as organ of the ritualistic movement. The Duke of Newcastle will meet with great difficulty in overcoming the reluctance to identify formally in any way any movement in the Episcopal Church in this country with a movement in the English Church; for the Episcopalians, while cultivating the most brotherly relations with the English Church, are tenacious of their entirely independent ecclesiastical position, and

from this standpoint of policy it would be very unwise for any body of American Churchmen to identify themselves directly with any movement in the English Church. The Duke of Newcastle will also discover that ritualism in this country has no such rootage as in England. As a rule, Amercan ritualists, like English ritualists, are entirely sincere and devoted in their faith in and their zeal for the forms of worship which they regard as essential. They are lovers of the picturesque and symbolic, but they are, as a rule, entirely free from sensationalism. In this age, when so many people are unsettled in faith, and when the tides of material activity have such sweep and volume, ritualism is an ark in which many think they find a refuge from the hardness of the scientific spirit, from the inroads of commercialism, and from the tumult and restlessness of modern life. But the ritualists in America are, so far, neither numerous nor influential. They have a few churches in the large cities. The American bishops, as a rule, have treated them with great wisdom by refusing to make martyrs of them. By a strategical blunder of the first magnitude, made years ago, the Low Church party, dividing the mission work of the Church with the High Church party, took foreign missions for themselves and surrendered home missions to the High Churchmen. As a consequence, that kind of advanced churchmanship which in late years has taken the form of ritualism was planted in the Middle and Far West, and has borne fruit in the formation of a number of very advanced dioceses. explains the elaborate ceremonial which recently attended the consecration of Bishop Weller at Fond-du-Lac, and has been the subject of much discussion among Episcopalians. The dioceses represented on that occasion were extremely weak, however, both in the number of clergy and laymen represented. In fact, some of the very advanced dioceses in the West are little more than skeleton organizations. There is no question about the sincerity and passionate devotion of the ritualists, but, as a rule, they are not successful in awakening religious interest. in this country. In many parishes they are losing ground. The modern problem cannot be solved by a reversion to the medieval mode, nor can the modern mind

This