two of their present Representatives, or else their voting population receives larger representation than the voting population of other States, in direct violation of the Constitution.

The debate on the Army The Army Bill Bill in the Senate last week, instead of dealing with the special provisions of the bill, took a decidedly political turn and again called forth expressions of opinion in regard to the larger aspects of the Philippine question. The utterances of Senator Teller and Senator Hoar from the Republican side and of Senator Wellington on the Democratic side were specially noteworthy. Mr. Wellington asserted that, in his judgment, the Philippines do not belong to the United States for the purpose of permanent acquisition, and that he voted for the twenty millions paid to Spain "under a misapprehension, and under misinformation from the Administration." Mr. Teller withdrew his declaration of two years ago that there was no danger of imperialism, and said that imperialism now existed in its worst form in the Philippine Islands, where "five men, strangers to the country and its language and unacquainted with its interests," exercise all power; he added, "Under the law they have a right to be there, but under God's law they have no place there at all." Mr. Teller nevertheless said that he was willing to vote to maintain the army and the flag so long as the Government demanded support from Congress, no matter how illogical his position might seem. Senator Hoar offered an amendment providing that no further military force shall be engaged in the Philippine Islands except such as may be necessary to keep order in places now under actual peaceable control of the United States, and to protect persons and property, until the President shall have proclaimed an amnesty and shall have agreed upon an armistice, and shall have invited a deputation of at least ten Filipinos to visit the United States-all of whose expenses shall be paid by the United States. Mr. Hoar addressed the Senate with great earnestness on this amendment, the chief object of which, he said, was to give a hearing to the leaders of the Filipino people. "It is idle," he said, "to tell us that these

pears to us to seek a desirable end by undesirable means. There is no reason why Congress should attempt to do by indirection what it has entire power to do directly; that is, there is no reason why this proposition should be introduced as a rider to an army bill. If Congress desires the President to proclaim amnesty or to invite delegates from the Philippines to visit and confer with the Executive as to terms of peace, it has only to pass a bill or even a joint resolution to this effect. The President has repeatedly declared that the responsibility of determining what policy shall be pursued in the Philippines rests with Congress, and there is no reason to think that he would even desire not to carry out whatever policy a Congress dominated by the Republican party might direct, still less ground to imagine that he would endeavor to avoid doing so at the risk of breaking with his party. But there is another and even more serious objection to Senator Hoar's proposal. It is known that there are some Filipinos who are ready to acquiesce in American sovereignty, while those who are not are mostly in hiding or in arms against the United States. The latter would hardly accept an invitation to come to the United States, even if it were consistent to invite them while the war is still going on and they are in arms against us. And if the President were to invite a delegation made up of friendly Filipinos, nothing would be gained, since their action would not represent the armed Filipinos, and would be more likely to embitter than to conciliate them. What progress toward settlement would have been made had President Lincoln invited Union men from the South, or had George IV. invited Tories from America, to a conference, with a view to ending war?

We beg leave to suggest to Senator Hoar a proposition which The Outlook has already made editorially. We should like to see him introduce into the Senate four resolutions to the following effect: 1. Granting amnesty for all political offenses to Filipinos on condition that they lay down their arms. 2. Guaranteeing to the Filipinos all the rights of person and property, civil and religious, guaranteed to the people of the various States in the Union by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. 3. Promising them local self government analogous to that enjoyed by the people of the Territories of the United States-details to be settled in conference with the Filipinos as soon as peace is restored. 4. Promising, as soon as peace is restored and a general election is possible, that such a general election shall be held for the purpose of choosing commissioners to represent the Filipinos in a conference with representatives of the United States for the purpose of determining what shall be the future relations between the two countries. If Senator Hoar will introduce resolutions to this effect in Congress, we are very sure that he will find himself supported by the most influential journals of the country, of both parties; and it is entirely probable that such a policy, authoritatively adopted by Congress and honestly carried out in the Philippines, would be welcomed by the leaders of the armed forces in that country as affording a basis for peace.

The

It was reported last The Cuban Constitution week from Havana that the Central Committee of the Convention has agreed upon a constitutional plan which will very soon be presented to the Convention in open session. two points most at issue have been whether the form of government should be unified, like that of France, or in the nature of a confederation of States with partly delegated sovereignty to the general government, as in the United States; and, secondly, whether the candidate for Presidency must be of Cuban birth. The Committee have decided as to the first point, that the government should be of what may be called a unitarian form, with a President, a House of Representatives elected directly by the people (one mem

ber to thirty thousand people, or fifty-two in all), with four Senators from each department to be elected through the municipal councils for six years, while each department will have an Assembly elected by popular vote. The suffrage in this plan is limited only to male natives over twenty-three years old, or to males not natives who served four months in the war with Spain. As to the qualifications of the President, any native or naturalized male citizen who served in the "Ten Years' Revolution" is eligible. This provision is evidently framed so as to make General Gomez possible as a candidate for the Presidency.

Governor Odell, of Governor Odell's Message New York, begins his administration with a businesslike message to the Legislature. To the astonishment of his critics, he makes its main feature economy in public expenditures— not economy in the abstract, which so commonly serves to feather the nests of politicians, but economy in the concrete, which if carried into effect would disturb their nesting-places. their nesting-places. He first points out that the collection of the inheritance tax is costing over three hundred thousand dollars a year-or more than ten per cent. of the sum collected. Nearly a quarter of this sum goes to county treasurers as fees for the signing of duplicates and transmitting money, and nearly a third of it is paid out for the appraisement of property. Governor Odell estimates that one hundred and fifty thousand dollars can be saved in this field. Similar economies, he believes, can be effected by curtailing the employment of special attorneys and having the State's legal department perform the work, and by the limitation of the number of employees in the Legislature. Legislative extravagance might be checked by the systematic substitution of definite appropriations for definite purposes, instead of lump sums for general purposes. This change would not only, as the Governor suggests, make it possible for him to veto extravagant items, but also would enable the public to know just how the public money is being used. In the matter of public printing he urges that the present expenditure of nearly six hundred thousand dollars

a year might be greatly reduced, though he does not specify any individual abuse; and the cost of county government he would sensibly lessen by substituting salaries for fees, so as to put an end to the payment of nearly one hundred thousand dollars a year to several county officials in this city and Brooklyn. Still another fertile field for economy the Governor believes to lie in the number and costliness of the State Commissions. He believes that the services performed by the Board of Mediation and Arbitration, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and the Bureau of Factory Inspectors could all be performed at less cost by a single Department of Labor, and that the work of the Forest Preserve Board and the Forestry, Fish, and Game Commission could be done as well by one bureau. In a similar vein, but at much greater risk of loss, he recommends that the work of the Board of Health be performed by a single individual-though this board has deliberative functions which an individual officer could not discharge; and still further along this same line he recommends that the work of the Charities Commission and the Prison Commission be each performed by a single State official. Inasmuch as the present Charities Board and Prison Commission are composed of a score of people, who serve the public chiefly from public spirit, and have served it with marked efficiency in the past, this recommendation seems to be distinctly bad, and not even in the direction of economy. All this work requires the attention of people who have their hearts in it, and their meetings to formulate regulations and report upon administration cannot be dispensed with and the whole work deputed to a single professional inspector. What the Governor says about the costliness of the State care for the insane seems also to be without warrant, since the cost of buildings, which he so much emphasizes -$900 per capita--is no greater than the average cost of residence property in any of our great cities, and has besides been greatly reduced under the very board he criticises. Nevertheless, it is a gratification to have a public official err on the side of economy. On another page will be found an editorial on Governor Odell's message considered in its general personal and political aspects.

Street Railway

Franchises

The conflict at Columbus,

Ohio, over the extension

of the street railway franchises culminated last week in a public mass-meeting, which was attended by 1,500 citizens. They met to protest against a blanket franchise, which the Mayor and Board of Public Works had framed in the interest, as was charged, of the company. This blanket franchise provided that hereafter seven tickets should be sold for a quarter, but made these tickets good only from 5:30 till 7 in the morning and from 5:30 to 6:30 in the evening. It also extended the present franchises for twenty-five years. Dr. Gladden, who, as a member of the City Council, has taken a most prominent part in the discussion of the contentions between the company and the city, presided, and outlined the general demands of the public. With ex-Congressman Outhwaite, the President of the Board of Trade, he was the chief speaker. Strong resolutions were adopted demanding a four-cent cash fare, the sale of eight tickets for a quarter, universal transfers on all tickets, and the stipulation that no franchise should be extended for a longer period than the longest existing franchise has yet to run. The desire is that the city shall be given a free hand to deal with the whole situation at the earliest possible date. Twentyfive representative men were appointed by Dr. Gladden to present the resolutions to the Mayor and his Board. The Council has final jurisdiction in the settlement. It is reported that the company will grant concessions in the direction demanded. The company's attempt to make contracts for the extension of some of its franchises was what precipitated the present crisis. It became necessary, as Dr. Gladden expressed it, "that the city and the company should reach an understanding about their partnership business." Dr. Gladden's attitude toward the question is eminently judicial, and his position and influence in the City Council give assurance that the rights of the public will be secured.

Mr. Philip D. ArDeath of Philip Armour mour, who died at his home in Chicago on Sunday afternoon last, was one of the greatest organizers of

industry this country has known—a man of genius in practical lines, and a man also of deep feeling and of very generous impulses. Born at Stockbridge in this State in 1832, Mr. Armour, after a childhood on his father's farm, had the advantage of attending one of those old-fashioned academies which in New York as in New England in a former generation imparted, not only good training, but a certain quality of culture. The discovery of gold in California led him overland to the Far West, and a good deal of the journey he accomplished on foot. He had some success, and returned to his home in 1856, with the conviction, however, that his real place of effort was to be in the West. He established himself in Milwaukee in the wholesale grocery and commission business; from that he passed into grain transportation, and in 1875 moved to Chicago to take charge of the pork-packing establishment which his brother had built up. This concern became, by virtue of skill, business management, and untiring energy, the largest in the world in its own field, its business exceeding one hundred million dollars a year, and its pay roll including more than eleven thousand persons. Mr. Armour's charities have been on a great scale, foremost among them being the Armour Mission, the Armour Institute of Technology (to which nearly two and a half millions of dollars was given), and the Armour Flats, which comprise more than two hundred apartments and are rented at moderate prices to workingmen. The organization and work of the Institute have been described in The Outlook. Like nearly all great organizers, Mr. Armour had immense capacity for work; it was said of him that none of his employees worked so long or with such untiring zeal.

and of social and political power, and the consequent inequality of position and opportunity, without which liberty and justice cannot exist." Ex-Mayor Hewitt's remarks to the same effect were made almost the same day in an address before a meeting to raise funds for the East Side work of the Episcopal Church in this city. Mr. Hewitt said:

Since 1840 our National wealth has increased five times as fast as our population. The advance of industry which has brought us this wealth beyond the wildest dreams of avarice has also brought on conditions which make it an absolute impossibility for some people to live decent, respectable lives. The rich have not even begun to do what they ought to do. Men that I almost worship for their generosity and solicitude for those that have less are not giving, in proportion to their wealth, the half that was given by their families a generation ago. Have we the right to take all this wealth and do nothing to correct the evils created in its production? Can you accept these millions and shut your eyes to the evils which weave themselves about the producers? Can any one be content with such conditions? Good God! Can this be the end to which we have been working all these centuries? Is this the result of our industrial development, and must our prosperity as a Nation be purchased at such a staggering price? If these terrible tenements, these overcrowded districts, these dark and foul dwelling-places, and all the attending miseries, must go with industry, then I would to God that every industrial center rah of old, and men be driven back to the land could be destroyed, as were Sodom and Gomorwhere they can at least have the breezes and the green grass and the sunshine and the blue of heaven to look up to.

Mr. Hewitt's historical statement regarding the increase in National wealth is not rhetoric, but fact. Half a century ago, when the first estimate of National wealth was made by the Census Bureau, the aggregate value of private property, excluding slaves, was little more than five billion dollars. Our population is now but little more than three times as great as then, but our wealth is more than fifteen times as great. Yet, except at the South, the proportion of propertyless families is perhaps greater now than then, and he poverty of the poor is made the more distressing by reason of the contrasts in economic conditions that have developed. The increase in our aggregate wealth is likely to go on, and the Nation's welfare depends upon whether the increase goes chiefly to augment the power and luxury of those already rich, or the independence, comfort, and culture of the rank and file

of the people. In other words, the problem before us is to make the increase in National wealth synonymous with the increase in National well-being.

The Saving of the Palisades

An admirable piece of work has been done by the Commissioners appointed by the Legislatures of New York and New Jersey last winter to arrest the destruction of the Palisades and preserve the scenery of the Hudson River from further devastation. The Commissioners, after a good deal of quiet work, have at length been able to make an agreement which stops all blasting of these picturesque cliffs until sufficient time has elapsed to enable the Commissioners to purchase them. Five thousand dollars was appropriated by the Legislature of New Jersey, and ten thousand dollars by that of New York; the first amount has been paid out in the expenses of surveys, titlesearches, and other preliminary investigations, and the second amount has been paid down in order to give legal effect to an agreement by which all the quarry privileges are to be sold by their owners for the sum of $132,000. A number of citizens of New York have agreed to contribute the balance of the purchase-money, amounting to the sum of $122,500, in case the Commissioners are not able to persuade the Legislatures of the two States to contribute a sufficient fund to carry out the preliminary contract made by the Joint Commission. It is not only proposed to secure the property between Fort Lee and Huyler's Landing, but also to construct a driveway at the base of the Palisades, the public thus acquiring the face of the rocks and all the land between their base and the river. It is very much to be hoped that the Legislatures of the two States will promptly make the necessary appropriations to carry out this agreement. The Commissioners have rendered a great service, not only to this community, but to the whole country; for the Hudson River is one of the country's great scenic possessions, and the Palisades is a striking feature of the scenery of the Hudson. At a time when the public had given up all hope of preserving the Palisades, the Commissioners have quietly but effectively accomplished this impor

tant object, and have given the community an object-lesson in wise and efficient management. Their success will stimulate similar efforts to preserve the landscape everywhere; while their plan, when it is carried out, will greatly enlarge the opportunities for pleasure of the people of this part of the country.

China

Last week Li-Hung-Chang and Prince Ching, the representatives of the Chinese Government, made some pertinent inquiries concerning the Powers' preliminary note, which we trust may be. met with frankness and generosity by the Western Powers. The inquiries concerned chiefly (1) the size of the Legation guards to be maintained at Peking, and whether these were to be properly guards or small armies of occupation, and (2) whether the clause providing for the destruction of forts may not be construed as meaning their dismantlement. The Powers can well allow the Chinese Government to save its "face" as much as possible, and we hope that, while sternly insisting upon adequate punishment, our own Government will be foremost in the endeavor to secure a liberal construction of all clauses. While reports still come of punitive expeditions in the north, it is presumable that their discreditable history is now a thing of the past. The proper "Middle Kingdom," the Yangtse provinces, would appear to be well pacified, if we may judge from the request of Chang-Chi-Tung, Viceroy of Hunan and Hupe, that the missionaries return to their posts, at least in the great cities such as Hankau and Wuchang. At the same time, however, this Viceroy (now well known to Americans through. the translation of his book, “China's Only Hope") has been telegraphing to Li-HungChang and Prince Ching, strenuously urging them to delay the signing of the note until the above-mentioned clauses had been amended, and especially until that portion of the preamble had been expunged which charges the Imperial Court with responsibility for the attacks on the Legations. He also telegraphed to Singan, urging the Court not to return to Peking, on the ground that the note permits the Powers to retain ten thousand troops between Peking and the sea. Consequently an Imperial decree was issued