and live as citizens and subjects; and even

the proposals of the army. They severally replied, that they would not have his majesty mistrust them, for that since the house would go so high, they only concurred with them, that their unreasonableness might the better appear to the kingdom. And the lieutenant-general bade me further assure the king, that if the army remained an army, his majesty should trust the proposals with what was promised to be the worst of his conditions, which should be made for him; and then striking his hand on his breast in his chamber at Putney, bade me tell the king, he might rest confident and assured of it. And many times the same. message hath been sent to the king from them both, with this addition from commissary-general Ireton, that they would purge, and purge, and never leave purging the houses, till they had made them of such a temper, as should do his majesties business; and rather than they would fall short of what was promised, he would join with French, Spaniard, cavalier, or any that would join with him to force them to it. Upon the delivery of which message, the king made answer, that if they do, they would do more than he durst do. After this the delay of the settlement of the kingdom was excused upon the commotions of colonel Martin and colonel Rainsborough, with their adherents; the lieutenant-general saying, that speedy course must be taken for outing of them, the house and army, because they were now putting the army into a mutiny, by having hand in publishing several printed papers, calling themselves the agents of five regiments, and the agreement of the people, although some men had encouragement from lieutenant-general Cromwell for the prosecution of those

papers.

"And he being further prest to shew himself in it, he desired to be excused at the present, for that he might shew himself hereafter for their better advantage; though in the company of those men, which were of different judgments, he would often say, that these people were a giddy

compelled the parliament, by whose authority

headed party, and that there was no trust or truth in them; and to that purpose wrote a letter to col. Whaley that day the king went from Hampton-Court, intimating doubtfully that his majesties person was in danger from them, and that he should keep out guard to prevent them; which letter was presently shewed to the king by col. Whaley. That about six days after, when it was fully known by the parliament and army, that the king was in the isle of Wight, commissary-general Ireton standing by the fire-side in his quarters at Kingston, and some speaking of an agreement likely to be made between the king and parliament, now the person of the king was out of the power of the army; commissary-general Ireton replied with a discontented countenance, that he hoped it would be such a peace as we might with a good conscience fight against them both. Thus they, who at the first taking the king from Holdenby into the power of the army, cried down presbyterian government, the proceedings of this present parliament, and their perpetuity, and instead thereof held forth an earnest inclination to a moderated episcopacy, with a new election of members to sit in parliament for the speedy settlement of the kingdom; and afterwards when the eleven members had left the house, and the marching through London with the army, the seven lords impeached, the four aldermen of London committed to the Tower, and other citizens committed also, then again they cried up presbyterian government, the perpetuity of this present parliament, lieutenantgeneral Cromwell farther pleasing himself with the great sums of money which were in arrears from each county to the army, and the taxes of 60,000 7. per month for our maintenance. Now, saith he, we may be, for ought I know, an army as long as we live. And since the sending for the orders of parliament for the calling of their members to gether, lieutenant-general Cromwell perceiving the houses would not answer his expectation, he is now again uttering words perswading the hearers to a prejudice against pro

they had been raised, in whose name they had

ceedings of parliament, again crying down the presbyterian government, setting up a single interest, which he calls an honest interest, and that we have done ill in forsaking it. To this purpose it was lately thought fit, to put the army upon chusing new agitators, and to draw forth of the houses of parliament 60 or 70 of the members thereof, much agreeing with his words he spake formerly in his chamber at Kingston, saying, What a sway Stapelton and Holles had heretofore in the kingdom, and he knew nothing to the contrary, but that he was as well able to govern the kingdom as either of them; so that, in all his discourse, nothing more appeareth, than his seeking after the government of king, parliament, city and kingdom. For effecting whereof he thought it necessary, and delivered it as his judgment, that a considerable part of the chief citizens of London, and some in every county, be clapt up in castles and garrisons, for the more quiet and submissive carriage of every place to which they belong: further saying, That, from the rising of the late tumult in London, there should be an occasion taken to hang the recorder and aldermen of London, then in the Tower, that the city might see the more they did stir in opposition, the more they should suffer; adding, that the city must first be made an example. And, since that lieutenant-general Cromwell was sent down from the parliament, for the reducing the army to their obedience, he hath most frequently, in publick and private, delivered these ensuing heads, as his principles, from whence all the foregoing particulars have ensued, being fully con'firmed (as I humbly conceive) by his practice in the transaction of his last year's business.

"1. First, that every single man is judge of just and right as to the good and ill of a kingdom.

"2. That the interest of honest men is the interest of the kingdom; and that those only are deemed honest men by him, that are conformable to his judgment and practice,

fought, and by whom they had been paid, to

may appear in many particulars; to instance but one, in the choice of colonel Rainsbrough to be vice-admiral, lieutenant-general Cromwell being asked how he could trust a man, whose interest was so directly opposite to what he had professed, and one whom he had lately aimed to remove from all places of trust? he answered, that he had now received particular assurance from colonel Rainsborough, as great as could be given by man, that he would be conformable to the judgment and direction of himself and commissary-general Ireton, for the managing of the whole business at sea.

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"3. That it is lawful to pass through any forms of government for the accomplishing his ends; and therefore either to purge the houses, and support the remaining party, by force everlastingly, or to put a period to them by force, is very lawful and suitable to the interest of honest men.

"4. That it is lawful to play the knave with a knave. "These gentlemen aforesaid in the army, thus principled, and (as by many other circumstances might appear) acting accordingly, give too much cause to believe, that the suc cess which may be obtained by the army (except timely prevented by the wisdom of the parliament) will be made use of to the destroying of all that power, for which we first engaged; and having, for above these twelve months past (sadly and with much reluctance) observed these several passages aforesaid, yet with some hopes, that at length there might be a returning to the obedience of parliament; and, contrary hereunto, knowing that resolutions were taken up, that, in case the power of parliament cannot be gained to countenance their designs, then to proceed without it: I, therefore, choose to quit myself of my command, wherein I have served the parliament these five years last past, and put myself upon the greatest hazard by discovering these truths, rather than, by hopes of gain, with a troubled mind, continue an abettor or assistant of such as give affronts to the parliament and kingdom, by abusing their

erase out of their journals what was displeasing

power and authority, to carry on their particular designs, against whom, in the midst of danger, I shall ever aver the truth of this narrative, and myself to be a constant, faithful and obedient servant to the parliament of England".

Aug, 2, 1648.

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ROB. HUNTINGTON."

"He

This paper fully manifests the principles and the ambition of Cromwell; and is written with such a spirit and air of truth, as strongly inclines one to believe it. Mr. Whitlock tells us, it was confirmed by Huntington, on oath, in the house of lords, though no mention is at all made of it in the journals of the house of commons. This may probably be accounted for by the following passages in one of the weekly writers of that time. [Huntington] endeavoured likewise to present it to the commons, but (such is the terror of that huge trifle, or idol of the faction) that none would be seen to move in the house; which being perceived by the major, he made bold to present it to Mr. Speaker's own self, who, being a new creature of Oliver's, of about a twelvemonth's standing, durst not countenance such a piece of blasphemy against his creator; so that, at length, the major went and tendered it to Mr. Berket, the serjeant at arms: but he, being of the same temper with his good masters, told him, he had nothing to say to it." This is remarkable. Mr. Ludlow, perhaps, will give us the reason of it. "These affairs (the insurrection in Wales, and the motions in Scotland in behalf of the king) necessitated the parliament to raise the militia, in order to oppose this malevolent spirit which threatened them from the north, and also prevailed with them to discountenance a charge of high treason framed by major Huntington, an officer of the army, with the advice of some members of both houses, against lieuThurloe, vol. I. p. 94. b Memorials, p. 327. Pragmaticus, Aug. 1-8, 1648.

Mercurius