to support its own independency, much less

alists with hopes, as appears from a letter of lord Ormonde to Sir Edward Nicholas, dated Louvre, February 12, 1650. Though it be very true, that his majesty's condition must be to himself most irksome, and to his servants, that have endeavoured to serve his happy father and himself in their own method, most uncomfortable, yet, by what Mr. Seymour relates, and which seems confirmed by the London priuts, it may be truly said to be in some degree amended by his coronation, and the conjunction of that people, which, as it gives some foreign reputation to his business, so it promises more of resistance against the rebels, than when they were divided; and, consequently, may more probably afford an opportunity to others of better inclinations to show themselves; and the same God, who, contrary to, and beyond the original intention of the English rebels, hath permitted them to perpetrate so unexampled villanies against the royal family and freedom of England, may, contrary to, and beyond the purpose of the Scots. (who gave the rise to the perpetration) make them instruinental in the restoration, I hope he purposes, to the king's just power, and his people's free claim." But his lordship's hopes were ill founded. The Scots were zealous indeed to serve their covenanted king, and they hated heartily the English government and army, whom they were taught by their clergy to look on and call sectaries, a name, in the ears of the priests and priest-ridden, most odious and abominable. Great preparations were every where made to raise an army, which might destroy these men, and restore his majesty to the English throne. But the thing was not so easily effected as planned. Those who sat at the helm of affairs were upon their guard. On the 12th of June, 1650, the parliament voted, that the lord-general Fairfax, and lieutenant-general Cromwell, should both be commanded to go upon the northern expedition: and that the council of

* Ormonde's State Papers, vol. I. p. 405.

place the son of the late king on the throne of

state (which had been constituted at the beginning of the new government, and consisted of some of the most able men in it) do acquaint them with it, and take care for their speedy march towards Scotland. For they thought it best to be before hand with the Scots, and to carry the war into

that country.

"Fairfax being advised with herein, seemed at first to like well of it, but afterwards being hourly perswaded by the presbyterian ministers, and his own lady, who was a great patroness of them, he declared himself unsatisfied that there was a just ground for the parliament of England to send their army to invade Scotland: but that in case the Scots should invade England, then he was forward to engage against them in defence of his own country. The council of state, somewhat troubled at his excellency's scruples, appointed Cromwell, Lambert, Harrison, St. John, and Whitlock, to be a committee to confer hereupon with him; and to endeavour to satisfy him of the justice and lawfulness of this undertaking. Accordingly this committee met lord Fairfax, and being shut up together in a room in Whitehall, they went first to prayer, that God would direct them in this business; and Cromwell began. Most of the committee also prayed, after which they discoursed in the manner related at large by Mr. Whitlock." From his account it appears that Fairfax grounded his unwillingness to invade Scotland, on the foundation of the two nations being bound in the national league and covenant; "And now for us," said he, " contrary thereunto and without sufficient cause given us by them, to enter into their country with an army, and to make war upon them, is that which I cannot see the justice of, nor how we shall be able to justify the lawfulness of it to God or man." Cromwell to this replied: "I confess, my lord, that if they have given us no cause to invade them, it will not be justifiable in us to do it; and to make war upon them without a sufficient ground for it, will be contrary to that which in conscience we ought to do,

his fathers, which the Scots had fondly hoped

But, my

and displeasing both to God and good men. lord, if they have invaded us, as your lordship knows they have done, since the national covenant, and contrary to it, in that action of the duke of Hamilton, which was by order and authority from the parliament of that kingdom, and so the act of the whole nation by their representatives: and if they now give us too much cause of suspicion that they intend another invasion upon us, joining with their king, with whom they have made a full agreement, without the assent or privity of this commonwealth, and are very busy at this present in raising forces and money to carry on their design: if these things are not a sufficient ground and cause for us to endeavour to provide for the safety of our own country, and to prevent the miseries which an invasion of the Scots would bring upon us, I humbly submit it to your excellencies judgment. That they have formerly invaded us, and brought a war into the bowels of our country, is known to all, wherein God was pleased to bless us with success against them; and that they now intend a new invasion upon us, I do as really believe, and have as good intelligence of, as we can of any thing not yet acted. Therefore I say, my lord, that, upon these grounds, I think we have a most just cause to begin, or rather to return and requite their hostility first begun upon us; and thereby to free our country (if God shall be pleased to assist us, and I doubt not but he will) from the great misery and calamity of having an army of Scots within our country. That there will be a war between us, I fear is unavoidable. Your excellency will soon determine whether it be better to have this war in the bowels of another country or our own; and that it will be in one of them, I think it is without scruple."This seems all very forcible, but it had no effect on Fairfax, who having before taken his resolution, as it should scem, contented himself with saying to this and the like kind of argument urged by Whitlock, St. John, and Harrison, "That human probabilities are not sufficient grounds to

for. Indeed, after this last defeat, Scotland

make war upon a neighbour nation, especially our brethren of Scotland, to whom we are engaged in a solemn league and covenant a." One must have had a strange understanding, or been under a very strange influence to have talked after this rate! But so it was, Fairfax chose rather to resign his commission than go against the Scots, in order tó prevent their intended visit into his own country. Cromwell urged him to continue it with great vehemence, but in vain, and being sure that he was immoveably fixed in his determination, pressed him, and the parliament to continue him, with all that dexterity and dissimulation I have elsewhere mentioned.--Cromwell now, by an ordinance of parliament, succeeded Fairfax in the supreme command, and the parliament published a declaration upon the marching of their army into Scotland. In this declaration they take notice of the averseness to amity and friendship to the commonwealth manifested by the Scots, and their hostile disposition, notwithstanding the signal hand of God against them upon their late invasion. After this they mention their transactions in 1648, and the kindnesses which they had received from the English army when in Scotland, 'yet now," continues the parliament, "laying aside all consideration of former kindnesses, and of their expressions and engagements of justice and treaties, the common bonds of human society, they endeavour to exercise their power for the destruction of those by whose means they did receive it; they again insist upon the same pretensions to matters of our government, and take upon them to determine what is fundamental here; and direct and threaten us, if we change not what is now established, and form it to their mind, or accommodate it to their interest. Their design and resolution again to invade England, will be the more evident, if we remember, 1. That upon occasion of demanding only a treaty for satisfaction

66

a Memorials, p. 460---462.

was by the arms of the English commonwealth

for their former invasion, they do, in express terms, declare themselves enemies to the government of this commonwealth, and all that adhere thereto, and lay foundations of sedition, and new insurrections amongst ourselves. 2. In pursuance of these grounds, they who cannot claim to themselves the least colour of authority or dominion over us, yet have taken upon them, in Scotland, to proclaim Charles Stuart to be king of England and Ireland; and in their treaty since with him, have promised him their assistance against this nation. 3. Before the late invasion from Scotland, the parliament of England, upon foresight of their disposition to what followed, and seeing their preparation, and the party they had seduced in order thereunto, believing what the event was like to be, sent thither commissioners to treat for preventing the effusion of blood; but the treaty was refused, and answered only with the immediate march of their army into England. Having therefore again refused the amicable offer of a treaty for peace, we have reason to expect another invasion. 4. They have equally declared against us as sectaries, as they have against those of Montrose's party, putting us into the same rank with malignants and papists.- -Their design and purpose being thus evident, a necessity is upon us to use our best endeavours, with God's assistance, to prevent them, and not leave them to invade us at their chosen opportunity, and our greatest disadvantage, when they shall have compleated their design with foreign states for their aid, and with their faction and party in this nation for correspondence and concurrence in their attempts upon us; and that we may not be at the insupportable charge of keeping several armies in our own bowels, and subject ourselves to the contributions, plunderings, and barbarous usage of a Scots army, if we suffer them again to enter; or of keeping one formed army constantly upon the borders, for preventing or resisting those attempts upon us, which they are waiting an opportunity at their best advantage to make. A burthen