72 apology for some of these " proceedings, in the out form, without orders, and without laws, to bind and secure them. The people were powerful, but ignorant and divided; divided in opinion, and ignorant of true government and real security. Cromwell therefore applied himself to the times; encouraged, discountenanced, protected and oppressed by turns, different sects and parties; and thus artfully keeping them divided in their religious and civil views, prevented the nation from uniting in any thing that was natural and proper to freedom and liberty. The same army which had conquered for the people, he taught by mutilation, augmentation, largesses and privileges, to oppress the people "How far this is a just representation, the foregoing notes will enable the reader to determine. a 72 Some may find an apology-in the situation and circumstances of the protector.] "Civil war is naturally more subject to rigour," says Mr. Ascham, "than other wars: because they who yesterday were enemies, would be inhabitants always. The conqueror suspects that these will be the first infringers of his new laws; the violation of which ought at the beginning to be severeliest censured, as of dangerous consequence.Wherefore for these reasons though the usurper thought not of establishing himself in an absolute jurisdiction, yet at last he will find himself obliged to secure his conquest by the same means he obtained it. And Dido gave Æneas the true reason of the same case "" Res dura & regni novitas me talia cogunt VIRG My cruel fate, And doubts attending an unsettled state, Force me to guard my coasts DRYDEN. This had long before been taught by Machiavel, in the following words: "When a prince would keep his subjects. united and faithful, he must not heed the reproach of cruelty; Revolutions of Governments, p. 97. 12mo. Lond. 1649. Confusions and situation and circumstances of the protector. for if he makes a few examples of justice, he acts with less cruelty than those who, through an excess of mercy, suffer many disorders to arise, which occasion rapine and murder. Now these are prejudicial to the whole society; whereas particular executions, which are ordered by the prince, affect only particular men. Besides, all new governments are exposed to so many dangers, that it is impossible for a new prince to avoid the scandal of being cruel. Thus Virgil makes Dido say, Res, &c. "" If ever any prince upon earth had reason to act on these principles, it was Cromwell. Without some acts of severity what could he have done? How tottering would have been his throne? How precarious his life? The cavaliers, the presbyterians, the republicans, and the fifth-monarchy-men were all his foes, and even his most intimate friends did not approve his management in a variety of respects. Mr. St. John, between whom and the protector there had been the nearest union, highly disliked his setting up himself. "He," [St. John] says Mr. Thurloe," was so far from advising Oliver to set up himself, that to the best of my knowledge and observation he was a great enemy to it, and hath often to me spake against it. And as for that called the Instrument of Government, I never spake with my lord St. John, either about the whole or any part of it (nor ever heard that any body else did) until some months after it was published in print, when going to visit him after a long and dangerous sickness, he told me, he had just then read our government; and taking it up in his hands, he cast it from him. in great dislike, and sayed, is this all the fruit the nation shall have of their warre? or words to that purpose; and then tooke occasion to speak much against it. And as he had nothinge to doe in settinge up this government, soe a Prince, c. 17. Consult also Amelot de la Houssay's notes on the place. -Had he accepted the kingship, which was neither was there, soe farr as I knowe or have heard, any communication of counsels between Oliver and him, mediately or ymmediately, touchinge the management of any part of the publique affairs, my lord St. John always refusinge to meddle in any thinge, but what concerned his place as a judge; and in that he refused to proceed upon any of the laws made under that government; for which he was complayned of to the counsell, and it was imputed to his example, that the judges refused to act, upon the last high. court of justice. Nor was hee (to my knowledge) advised with in the Petition and Advice. The truth is, that my lord St. John was so far from being a confident, that some, who loved and valued him, had something to doe to preserve him under that government." In a letter to Henry Cromwell dated 16 December, 1656, he says, "His Highnesse meetes with his tryals here at home of all sorts, beinge under daylye exercises from one hand or other; and I wish he may not. have occasion to say, My familiar friends, in whom I trusted, have lifted up the heele against me "." me." It appears also from a variety of Mr. Secretary's letters, that the protector's government was clogged with great difficulties, and that the opposition made to it was fierce and violent. In a letter to Henry Cromwell, then major-general of the army in Ireland, dated 20th May, 1656, he says, "Blessed be God, that all things remain quiett in Ireland; soe they doe alsoe here. Both is very much against the intentions of enemies of all sorts, who have their daily meetinges for begettinge trouble. The Spanyard, cavaleir, papists and levellers, are all come into a confederacy. What monstrous birth this wombe will bring forth, I cannot tell. They threaten hard, but I perceive they are not yet quite ready. The common-wealthsmen looke also for a sudden turne, and hope they shall. play next." In another letter written to the same, 16 June, 1656, he says, "Wee are yet very much troubled with the © Id. vol. V. p. 45. a Thurloe, vol. VII. p. 914. b Id. vol. V. p. 708. offered by his parliament, a firmer settlement a fifth-monarchy-men and the levellers, who have their constant meetinge to put us in blood. By the levellers, I meane those, who pretend to a republique or popular forme of government.- -It is certain it doth behove us to have a watchful eye upon that interest ."There was reason for it. Algernon Sydney (a name ever venerable !) called Cromwell, as he said on his trial, "A tyrant every day of his life, and acted against him too."--And to such a height of resentment had some warm men of the party carried it, as to join with their old and sworn foes in order to destroy him. "The levellers,” Mr. Thurloe tells the same gentleman, in a letter dated December 9, 1656," are very buissie, and are in perfect conjunction with the kinge of Spayne. The part they have first undertaken, is to assassinate my lord protector, and have laid the way of doing it. This I know with as much certeintye, as that your lordship is in Ireland. I trust the Lord will dissapoint them, as he hath done; but wee see hereby the spirit of these men "."—With regard to his parliaments after his assuming the protectorate, they were composed of men, a good part of whom were his ill-willers. "In the debates, concerning Cromwell's accepting the crown, some of the cavalier party, or rather their children, came to bear some share. They were then all zealous commonwealths-men, according to the directions sent them from those about the king. Their business was to oppose Cromwell on all demands, and so to weaken him at home, and expose him abroad. When some of the other party took notice of this great change, from being the abettors of prerogative to become the patrons of liberty, they pretended their education in the court, and their obligation to it had engaged them that way; but now since that was out of doors, they had the common principles of human nature and the love of liberty in them. By this means, as the old republi * Thurloe, vol. V. p. 122. vol. V. p. 694. C Trial, p. 33. Lond. folio, 1684. < Thurloe, and a milder administration might have taken cans assisted and protected them, so at the same time they strengthned the faction against Cromwell. But these very men at the restoration shook off this disguise, and reverted to their old principles for a high prerogative and absolute power. They said they were for liberty, when it was a mean to distress one who they thought had no right to govern; but when the government returned to its old channel, they were still as firm to all prerogative notions, and as great enemies to liberty as ever."--In certain conjunctures this may again happen, notwithstanding the smooth talk of coalition or extinction of parties! Mr. Maidstone speaking of the protector's first parliament, says, "The house consisting of many disobliged persons (some upon the king's account, and others upon a pretence of right to sit upon the former foundation, as not being legally, though forceably, dissolved; and others judging that the powers given by the instrument of government to the protector were too large; professing that though they were willing to trust him, yet they would not trust his successors with so large a jurisdiction) fell into high animosities; and after five months spent in framing another instrument instead of the former (which they said they could not swallow without chewing) they were by the protector dissolved"." Mr. Whitlock informs us, "That this parliament continued their debates touching the government, wherein many things were spoken, which gave great offence to the protector and his council, and cause of suspicion that no good was to be expected from them." Many of these same men, in spite of court influence, were chosen in the next parliament, and Cromwell, that matters might go on the more smoothly, ordered them to be denied admittance. In pursuance however of the humble Petition and Advice, as before mentioned, they afterwards took their seats, and |