culprits, transient sojourners,-that will always probably remain subject to the government of another portion of the community. That declaration, whatever may be the extent of its import, was made by the delegations of the thirteen States. In most of them slavery existed, and had long existed, and was established by law. It was introduced and forced upon the colonies by the paramount law of England. Do you believe that in making that declaration the States that concurred in it intended that it should be tortured into a virtual emancipation of all the slaves within their respective limits? Would Virginia and other Southern States have ever united in a declaration which was to be interpreted into an abolition of slavery among them? Did any one of the thirteen colonies entertain such a design or expectation? To impute such a secret and unavowed purpose would be to charge a political fraud upon the noblest band of patriots that ever assembled in council- a fraud upon the confederacy of the Revolution-a fraud upon the union of those States whose constitution not only recognized the lawfulness of slavery, but permitted the importation of slaves from Africa until the year 1808. This is the entire quotation brought forward to prove that somebody previous to three years ago had said the negro was not included in the term "all men" in the Declaration. How does it do so? In what way has it a tendency to prove that? Mr. Clay says it is true as an abstract principle that all men are created equal, but that we cannot practically apply it in all cases. He illustrates this by bringing forward the cases of females, minors, and insane persons, with whom it cannot be enforced; but he says that it is true as an abstract principle in the organization of society as well as in organized society, and it should be kept in view as a fundamental principle. Let me read a few words more before I add some comments of my own. Mr. Clay says a little further on: I desire no concealment of my opinions in regard to the institution of slavery. I look upon it as a great evil, and deeply lament that we have derived it from the parent government, and from our ancestors. I wish every slave in the United States was in the country of his ancestors. But here they are, and the question is, how can they be best dealt with? If a state of nature existed, and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more strongly opposed than I should be, to incorporating the institution of slavery among its elements. Now, here in this same book-in this same speech-in this same extract brought forward to prove that Mr. Clay held that the negro was not included in the Declaration of Independence we find no such statement on his part, but instead the declaration that it is a great fundamental truth, which should be constantly kept in view in the organization of society and in societies already organized. But if I say a word about it; if I attempt, as Mr. Clay said all good men ought to do, to keep it in view; if, in this "organized society," I ask to have the public eye turned upon it; if I ask, in relation to the organization of new Territories, that the public eye should be turned upon it,-forthwith I am vilified as you hear me to-day. What have I done that I have not the license of Henry Clay's illustrious example here in doing? Have I done aught that I have not his authority for, while maintaining that in organizing new Territories United States Senate, that the Declaration of Independence AND LETTERS OF er may be the exte that respect "a self-evident lie," rather than a self-evidentes-that will al But I say, with a perfect knowledge of all this hawking at ter portion of the laration without directly attacking it, that three years ag tice Taney in the Dred Scott case, and the next to him was o een States. In mos ablished by law. paramount law of Eng the States that conc irtual emancipation h was to be interpr Stephen A. Douglas. And now it has become the cateVirginia and other S the entire party. I would like to call upon his friends any one of the thirtee To impute such a secret -a fraud upon the confe whether they are not being borne along by an irresistible fraud upon the noble whither, they know not. of those States whose slavery, but permitte year 1808. ion brought forward to ago had said the In answer to my proposition at Galesburg last week some man in Chicago has got up a letter addressed to "Times," to show, as he professes, that somebody had sa and he signs himself "An Old-Line Whig," if I remem In the first place I would say he was not an old-line Whis what acquainted with old-line Whigs. I was with the c en" in the Declaration. from the origin to the end of that party; I became a tendency to prove that ciple that all men are cr apply it in all cases. He es of females, minors, a be enforced; but he says quainted with them, and I know they always had som ever else you could ascribe to them. I know there nev had not more sense than to try to show by the evider that some man had, prior to the time I named, said th not included in the term "all men" in the Declarat Idence. What is the evidence he produces? I will Dould be kept in view as a few words more before I ac evidence, and let you see what he offers by way of sh body more than three years ago had said negroes v in the Declaration. He brings forward part o Henry Clay-the part of the speech of Henry Cla says a little further on: y opinions in regard to the F rounded to some extent to-day by the old friendsment, and from our ancesto I was in Indiana a man presented a petition to li how can they be best dealt w they will be glad to hear anything from that aut as in the country of his ance and he (Mr. Clay) made a speech in answer to it, re about to lay the foundations Pposed than I should be, to inco its elements. -in this same carefully wrote himself and caused to be publis me an extract from that speech which constitut pretended "Old-Line Whig" at Chicago brough that Mr. Clay did n't suppose the negro was in ration of Independence. Hear what Mr. Clay speech in th Festion of Independence we f ove that Mr. Clay held that the at instead the declaration that should be constantly kept in va , as Mr. Clay said all good And what is the foundation of this appeal to me the slaves under my care in Kentucky? It is a ge 8 mpt, act announcing to the world the independence of societies already organized. colonies, that all men are created equal. Now, there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration; if, in this "organized society," I WI society that ever did exist, or ever shall be forme asserted among the members of the human race b carried out. There are portions, large portions. original construction of society, and in organizen it; if I ask, in relation to the view as a great fundamental principle. But the at the public eye should be tur as you hear me to-day. license of Henry Clay's illustriohat in organizing new Territorie done aught that I have not his a ADDRESSES AND LETTERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN AM LINCOLN 501 ansient sojourners,-that will always probably remain subject otation brought forward to prove that some- opinions in regard to the institution of n this same speech-in this same 503 heen ex 1 as less. be ban⚫ that, as tenden in od in that at time to some thing, ▲ it up again. ent promise" vas. In every into this "imthe Lecompton full of his feliciagitation. The just drawing out 1 that under that as constantly augon in Congress than ry as to-day! on of that Nebraska rritories with a supeey had ever had before. ing upon the people a estion of fact to be deestion. Have you ever arth who had as little to eople of Kansas had with In its main policy and in but a living, creeping lie day. C. e agitation would not cease d and passed. I have stated ched and passed. I have said We might, by arresting the t where the fathers originally nd should rest in the belief that inction. Thus the agitation may until it shall become alike lawful in forth as well as South. I have said, further spread of it may be arrested, re the public mind shall rest in the of ultimate extinction. I have exentertain the opinion, upon evidence cent: 100 23 three years 95 aet, tendercy, 业 m to mai proDETT withe States 11. Li as I wis, before Jetviz That extract, and the sentiments expressed in it, have been extremely offensive to Judge Douglas. He has warred upon them as Satan wars upon the Bible. His perversions upon it are endless. Here now are my views upon it in brief. I said we were now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Is it not so? When that Nebraska bill was brought forward four years ago last January, was it not for the "avowed object" of putting an end to the slavery agitation? We were to have no more agitation in Congress; it was all to be banished to the Territories. By the way, I will remark here that, as Judge Douglas is very fond of complimenting Mr. Crittenden in these days, Mr. Crittenden has said there was a falsehood in that whole business, for there was no slavery agitation at that time to allay. We were for a little while quiet on the troublesome thing, and that very allaying-plaster of Judge Douglas's stirred it up again. But was it not undertaken or initiated with the "confident promise' of putting an end to the slavery agitation? Surely it was. In every speech you heard Judge Douglas make, until he got into this "imbroglio," as they call it, with the administration about the Lecompton constitution, every speech on that Nebraska bill was full of his felicitations that we were just at the end of the slavery agitation. The last tip of the last joint of the old serpent's tail was just drawing out of view. But has it proved so? I have asserted that under that policy that agitation "has not only ceased, but has constantly aug mented." When was there ever a greater agitation in Congress than last winter? When was it as great in the country as to-day? There was a collateral object in the introduction of that Nebraska policy which was to clothe the people of the Territories with a superior degree of self-government, beyond what they had ever had before. The first object and the main one of conferring upon the people a higher degree of "self-government," is a question of fact to be determined by you in answer to a single question. Have you ever heard or known of a people anywhere on earth who had as little to do as, in the first instance of its use, the people of Kansas had with this same right of "self-government"? In its main policy and in its collateral object, it has been nothing but a living, creeping lie from the time of its introduction till to-day. I have intimated that I thought the agitation would not cease until a crisis should have been reached and passed. I have stated in what way I thought it would be reached and passed. I have said that it might go one way or the other. We might, by arresting the further spread of it, and placing it where the fathers originally placed it, put it where the public mind should rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. Thus the agitation may cease. It may be pushed forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. I have said, and I repeat, my wish is that the further spread of it may be arrested, and that it may be placed where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction. I have expressed that as my wish. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence |