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the question whether there shall not be also a fusion of the different Churches into one. this subject the Prussian statesman, Bismarck, to whom probably the question is one of no practical interest, is disposed to show great toleration; but the theologians are less patient of any departure from formula and symmetry. To an English mind, nothing can be more natural than that Hanover, Hesse, Nassau, and the other annexed kingdoms, should retain their separate Churches, in the same way as Scotland does hers; but it appears that German theologians—at least in some of the schools-have not advanced beyond the ideas that were discarded, or rather given up as impracticable here, rather less than two hundred years ago. A subject of much higher moment is handled by our correspondent in the narration of various works of practical Christian benevolence akin to our City Missions and Sundayschools that have been set in motion there within these few years, and that have already been productive of blessed results. Other matters concern what may be called the high politics of theology, but these are the labours that make a nation.

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Some steps have at last been taken on the part of the laity which must show the Ritualists that they are not to be allowed to have matters all their own way. Hitherto they have proceeded with as much confidence, and even arrogance, as if they alone were the recognised members of the Church of England; and it must be owned that in the distracted and uncertain counsels of their opponents they found their best ground of justification. The very boldness of their innovations served to stagger the men who were content to stand on the old paths; and it was some time before they could persuade themselves that it was really members of the Church of England who would be guilty of these Popish mummeries. But that indecision only lasted for a brief period. The loyal and sound-hearted members of the Establishment soon drew themselves together, and rallied in defence of the Protestant faith and practice. As law, civil and ecclesiastical, was ever in the mouths of the innovators, it was determined that to the law, in the first instance, should be the appeal; and in the only case--that of vestments-in which the strict letter of the law might appear to be somewhat doubtful, an appeal has been made to the nation, through the Legislature, to give its declaratory sanction to the usage that has prevailed for well-nigh three hundred years. And it is curious to mark, that, as the Orthodox party advance, the innovators retreat. One by one they abandon the offensive practices which they were but lately so confident they could make good in any court of law in the kingdom; but yet these are abandoned only in such sort as to be resumed at the first favourable opportunity. At a great meeting of the party, which was graced by the presence of Dr. Pusey himself, it was resolved that due obedience should be rendered to the late judgment of the two Houses of Convocation in respect of Ritualism, but in such a form and with such a gloss on its expressions as to make it clear that, while they professed to be yielding all, they yielded next to nothing. This acceptance of words in a non-natural sense was justified by Dr. Pusey, who, moreover, pledged his credit that it was the sense in which the Bishops themselves understood their own judgment. And, indeed, after the dissection which that celebrated judgment has received from the masterly pen of the Dean of Ripon, there are many persons who, quite irrespective of Dr. Pusey's authority, will come to the same conclusion.

The Government have now brought their measure of Reform before the House of Commons, and it has met with a reception so favourable as to be read a second time without a division. It would perhaps be fair to say that the bill owes this quiet progress less to its own merits than to the earnest desire of all parties that this important and troublesome question should, if possible, be settled this year; for Mr. Gladstone has drawn up a formidable array of errors and imperfections, which, if they could all be sustained, would certainly render the amendment of the measure in committee nearly hopeless. The most prominent feature is a household franchise for boroughs, on condition that the householder is rated and pays his parish rates; while, to counterbalance this great downward extension of the vote, it is proposed that every householder who pays direct taxes to the Queen to the extent of 20s. shall have a second vote. Against this last principle, so new to our Constitution, all parties are arrayed; but notwithstanding, there is some hope that, by mutual forbearance, some measure will be agreed to that will satisfy all parties. We notice with satisfaction that the agitation in the country, which assumed so formidable an aspect in the winter, has now subsided, the working classes having confidence in the justice and good faith of Parliament.

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Mr. John Abel Smith has given notice of a bill for the regulation of the sale of intoxicating liquors in England and Wales on Sundays; and Mr. O'Reilly has taken in charge a similar bill for Ireland. In both cases we believe the intention is to assimilate the law to that of Scotland, where the public-houses are wholly closed on that day; or at least-for we fear that would be impossible in England-to impose greater restrictions on the Sunday traffic. We believe that the state of public opinion in Ireland to which it must be owned the Romish Bishops have greatly contributed, is ripe for the closing of public-houses during the whole of Sunday; in England the proposal will probably be so to limit the hours they are open as to admit of sale for family use. We should be glad if so much as this can be secured in the interests of religion and morality. There is another bill about to be brought in by Mr. Hughes, the member for Lambeth, for regulating Sunday traffic in general. It is of the usual character of the measures to which we have been accustomed of late. The good it may do in one direct on will be more than balanced by the legislative sanction it will give for Sunday traffic in some others.

Fenianism has done, and is likely to do, much mischief to Ireland; but there is a class to whom it promises to prove an unmixed advantage, both in its rise and its downfall --we mean the Roman Catholic priesthood. It was known from the first, and every day makes it more clear, that the leaders of that pestilent form of disloyalty had no respect for one form of religion more than another, and that if they had been successful the Romish bishop would have been despoiled as emorselessly as the Protestant rector. It is no wonder, therefore, that the Romish hierarchy everywhere set themselves in opposition to the insurgents, and arrayed themselves on the side of order. By doing so they have not only been saved from a menacing danger, but they are everywhere lauded as men who, notwithstanding strong temptation to the contrary, stood by the constituted authorities, and materially contributed to preserve society. It is now the fashion in high places to praise them, and there is no reward they can ask which seems to our politicians too great to bestow. No doubt there is more pretext than reality in all this. The conduct of the Romish clergy would not be so much praised as it is but for the peculiar circumstances of the time. Our principal statesmen are running an eager race for the support of the Irish ecclesiastical leaders, who, in the present nicely-balanced state of political parties, have obtained an influence out of all proportion to their numbers, and are able to make their own terms. Hence the number of petty bills already introduced into the House of Commons, this session, all professing to relieve the Roman Catholics of some grievance or disability which was never before heard of. The latest is, perhaps, the most amusing instance which has yet occurred of this bidding for political influence. So far, the great body of the Irish Roman Catholics in Parliament have attached themselves to the Liberals. There are a few, however, who favour Mr. Disraeli and his friends now in power. Among these last is a Mr. M'Evoy, who a few nights ago introduced a bill for the repeal of the famous Ecclesiastical Titles Act, and hinted that he had the countenance and support of the Ministry in his proceeding. It happened that there was no one on the Treasury Bench who could either confirm or contradict his assertion, for the members of the Cabinet had all left their places. The allies of the Liberals became quite jealous of the approbation this would win among the Catholics in Ireland; and one after another rose to urge that this not the proper time for the introduction of such a measure. Mr. M'Evoy, however, persevered; the bill was introduced.

The Church-rate question is once more in agitation. Mr. Hardcastle, acting as the organ of the Nonconformist body, again brought forward his motion for the total extinction of Church-rates. It was opposed, on the part of the Government, by Mr. Walpole, who expressed himself willing to accept any measure that would exempt Dissenters from payment, but could not assent to a measure that bore on the face of it the extinction of the rate. On the other hand, Mr. Gladstone and others voted for the second reading, on the understanding that in committee they would endeavour to introduce clauses retaining the machinery of the rate, for the sake of those Churchmen who were willing to contribute, but abolishing the compulsory powers. Mr. Baines, again, on the part of the Dissenters, said no objection would be raised to such a provision, while the Dissenters would abstain from all interference with arrangements which did not affect them. These admissions would seem to meet the conditions which Mr. Walpole laid down as necessary to obtain Government support; and if he can be induced to look upon them in that light, the country may at last see the end of a small but irritating agitation, which has disturbed the peace of society, especially in country districts, for the last forty years.

Evangelical Christendom.

THE PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION IN ITALY.

BY LUIGI DE SANCTIS, D.D.*

MUCH deception prevails with regard to the religious condition of Italy. Many men of deep piety, and animated with a most laudable zeal for the conversion of souls, believe that Italy in the nineteenth century very closely resembles Germany in the sixteenth, and that if God would but raise up a Luther in the land, a religious reformation would be proclaimed from the Alps to the Adriatic. Others believe that the facility with which the Bible is circulated is a sign that Evangelical truth has been accepted in large measure by the people. Others, again, believe that a half-and-half reform attempted among the priests, a hybrid Catholicism, which is neither Roman Catholicism nor Protestantism, will powerfully contribute towards a national religious reform. They attempt, in their religious journals printed in Italy, to reconcile Christianity with worldliness, counselling the priests to remain priests, to say Mass, to read their Breviary, which they proclaim to be full of errors, to hear confessions and give absolution, to adore images, to carry on a secret opposition to Catholicism; while at the same time they are urged to read the Bible but not to practise it, to disobey their bishops and the Pope, showing indifference to their ecclesiastical censures, and yet to recognise them as their legitimate superiors, and the Pope as the Vicar of Jesus Christ and Head of his Church. Others set themselves to employ other means, such as evangelisation, instruction, publications, etc., and by means of these agencies they promise themselves extraordinary results. May it be allowed to me, an Italian who has from infancy been occupied with religious questions, and who still remains at the work, though his hairs are grey, to express his opinion on this subject with all Christian sincerity, and impelled by affection for the Gospel, which I earnestly would wish to see more widely diffused in my beloved country? Before expressing my views, however, as to the best means to employ in order to bless Italy with the Gospel, I feel it to be necessary to speak for a little of the actual state of religion in Italy-first, in general society; secondly, in Roman Catholic circles; and thirdly, in the work of evangelisation which is being carried on. If God should enable me rightly to explain these things, it will then be easy to understand what are the best means to adopt so as to further the highest interests of my country.

Let us begin, then, with an examination of the condition of religious affairs in Italian society. Under every aspect, the state of matters is truly deplorable. The religious sentiment is dead. Italy, considered from a Christian point of view, may be represented by the valley, full of dry bones, spoken of in the 37th chapter of Ezekiel. The great majority of Italians, in regard to the subject of vital religion, are as corpses. Nay, more, they are as bones, dry and scattered; and without a miracle on the part of God, let us not deceive ourselves, the nation cannot become religious, for the religious sentiment is extinct. We shall see immediately how and why this sentiment is dead. Meanwhile let us ponder the solemn fact itself. The religious sentiment of a people exhibits itself in their words and actions. What, then, do Italians generally speak about? Quite other things than those of religion; or, if it form perchance the theme of conversation, it is referred to with scorn and [Written for Evangelical Christendom, and translated by our Italian Correspondent.] VOL. XXI.-VIII. NEW SERIES.-MAY.

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indifference. You will hear the priests most heartily abused; but you must not be deceived thereby. It is not the religious sentiment, but the absolute want of it, which prompts such utterances. Make an attempt to speak about the Gospel or about Gospel-Christians, and you will have for reply that it too is a business (bottega), like the others, and that the only true religion is to be an honest man, without troubling your head about dogmas, which are all more or less absurd. Our excellent English friends, who come to Italy with their hearts full of genuine Christianity and desirous of propagating it, fall most readily into error on this subject, and look upon our warnings as exaggerated, if not uncalled for. All this because they are so warmly received and so fraternally visited, while on all hands books are asked from them and readily enough received as gifts. But these respected brethren are too often the victims of their own good faith. It is not the religious sentiment which attracts men to them, but, generally speaking, other sentiments less noble.

The Italian is ordinarily polite towards foreigners; but after he has received them courteously, he has no scruple among his own friends to make them the subjects of ridicule, and is ready the day after to renew his intimacy with them, in order to obtain fresh matter for conversation. Whenever the intercourse with such a foreign Christian makes an impression upon him, he usually finishes by saying, "That gentleman is an excellent man, but he has his prejudices." The Italian is accustomed to see the priests paying liberally for pretended conversions. He knows that Protestants do not act thus. But he is likewise aware that religious foreigners are men of good faith and large charity. He therefore demeans himself as of docile character, in the hope of obtaining some favour or help. Even our "gentlemen" can stoop to such baseness, as we know from facts and names which could be mentioned.

The religious sentiment of the lower classes, again, may be known by simply coming in contact with them and understanding their conversation. Swearing is the characteristic of the common people in Italy, especially in the districts of Tuscany and the Romagna. The Neapolitans and Genevese are notorious for evil-speaking and cursing, while the Piedmontese bear the palm all over Italy for the vileness of their language. Go into an inn of an evening, and especially of a Sunday, when it is sure to be crowded, and listen to the talk that is going on; take a part in their familiar chat, whether in the workshop, the piazza, or on the public promenade, and you will observe that if any one starts the subject of infidelity, or casts ridicule upon religion, the conversation becomes animated, and shouts of laughter greet the speaker on all sides. If any one, on the contrary, breaks in upon them with a few serious remarks on religion, he is treated as a Jesuit, a hypocrite, and a bigot, and is soon constrained to be silent, in order not to evoke the most fearful oaths and the most violent outburst of anger on the part of his comrades.

If you happen to be in the society of Italian gentlemen when the conversation turns on the subject of religion, you cannot fail to be struck with the absolute indifference manifested on all hands with regard to vital doctrine, and the levity with which it is treated, as if it were some scientific theme, or a matter which at most need only be regarded in the light of a social convenience.

Perhaps, you will say to me, the religious sentiment will be found in the conversation of priests and monks. None but those who have been priests or monks can judge on this subject, for priests and monks act upon the maxim, "Si non castè, saltem cautè," which in their slang signifies, "When we are alone, let us speak freely, for we understand one another; but when strangers are present, let us guard against saying what we think." In the conversation of priests and monks everything else but religion is spoken of. If the subject is referred to at all, it is not the religion

THE PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION IN ITALY.

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which is according to godliness, but the religion of ecclesiastical rites, the mode of deriving greater profit from the outward observances of religion, and the means of using religion in all its forms so as to hinder numan progress. Such are the subjects of innocent conversation among the clergy; you can imagine what are those of another character, for we must not speak of them.

If, passing from words, we come to deeds, what kind of religious sentiment, we ask, is evidenced by the actions of the people of Italy? "Italy is essentially Catholic!" exclaim not only priests, but political men of the highest position. But what are the signs by which it shows its Catholicism? Perhaps by its morality? But surely it is a secret to no man that immorality is the basis of the whole national Italian edifice. And if we were only to raise & small portion of the curtain which here covers the actions of human life, we could easily show that in every class of citizens so gross an immorality is manifested as absolutely to exclude the very existence of any religious sentiment in their hearts, unless, indeed, by religious sentiment is meant that artificial religion which never influences the heart. But as we do not wish to enter into particulars or personalities, we shall content ourselves with mentioning a few figures which will be far more eloquent than any words of ours. In the balance-sheet of the kingdom of Italy for 1866 we find that the item of expenses for the repression of crime reaches 59,611,872f., without calculating what is paid by the various municipalities for the same object. For example, the municipality of Turin alone pays 78,000f. per annum. There is no exaggeration, therefore, in saying that for the repression of crime throughout Italy 62,000,000f. or 63,000,000f-that is, 2,500,000l. sterling—are spent annually. This is an enormous sum, and shows clearly the level of morality occupied by that people which the priests call essentially Catholic. Another curious phenomenon, which equally demonstrates the absence of the religious sentiment, is the constant contradiction of thought and action which may be observed with regard to religion. The Constitution (Statuto) of the kingdom sanctions religion in its first article, saying, "The Roman Catholic Apostolic religion is the only religion of the State." How comes it, then, that both Government and Parliament propose and enforce laws which are not only contradictory to but condemned by that very religion which they say is the only religion of the State? The Minister of Finance remarked the other day, in the Chamber of Deputies, that that article was to be understood as meaning that the Roman Catholic religion is professed by the great majority of Italian citizens. This may be the private interpretation of Signor Scialoja, but it can carry no kind of public authority with it. If the Government of the King had really wished that this should be the meaning of the clause in the Constitution, they would have brought forward a law to this effect. Besides, such

an interpretation is absurd. If that clause is to be so interpreted, then the first article of the Italian Constitution contains nothing but the simple declaration of a fact! But how is it possible to imagine that the first article of the fundamental law of the kingdom should only contain the simple announcement of a fact? The truth is, that the Constitution imposes a religion, outwardly be it observed, whilst it goes openly against the same, without, however, having embraced another, and this expressly proves the absence of all religious sentiment.

In order, however, better to ascertain this absence of the religious sentiment, let us look a little closer at Italian society. Liberty of conscience is the effect of a profound and just religious sentiment. Does such liberty of conscience exist in Italy? We frankly reply no, without fear of being contradicted. There is a subjective liberty of conscience that is to say, a liberty that is within each of us, and by means of which we may believe what appears to us to be just, or may believe nothing at all. This liberty is enjoyed in Spain, yea, even in Rome, for no one can intrude into the