racy and to the privileged classes an increased influence in government; do we need to increase their influence in our government? Surely they are potent enough already.

He calls attention to the fact that the toiler finds his hope in peaceful progress rather than in war's uncertainties. Is it strange that the laboring classes are protesting against both imperialism and militarism? Is it possible that their protest will be in vain?

Imperialism has been described as "The White Man's Burden," but, since it crushes the wealth-producer beneath an increasing weight of taxes, it might with more propriety be called The Poor Man's Load.

If the Peace Commissioners had demanded a harbor and coaling station in the Philippines and had required Spain to surrender the rest of the land to the Filipinos, as she surrendered Cuba to the Cubans, we would not now be considering how to let go of the islands. If the sum of twenty millions had been necessary to secure Spain's release, the payment of the amount by the Filipinos might have been guaranteed by the United States.

But the failure of the Peace Commissioners to secure for the Filipinos the same rights that were obtained for the Cubans, could have been easily remedied by a resolution declaring the nation's purpose to establish a stable and independent government.

It is still possible for the Senate alone, or for the Senate and House together, to adopt such a resolution.

The purpose of annexationists, so far as that purpose can be discovered, is to apply to the government of the Filipinos methods familiar to the people of Europe and Asia, but new in the United States.

This departure from traditions was not authorized by the people; whether it will be ratified by them

remains to be seen. The responsibility rests first upon Congress and afterwards upon that power which makes Congresses.

Whatever may be the wish of individuals or the interests of parties, we may rest assured that the final disposition of the Philippine question will conform to the deliberate judgment of the voters; they constitute the court of last resort; from their decision there is no appeal.

What next? Investigation, discussion, action.

CHAPTER III.

THE CREED OF THE FLAG.

By DR. HOWARD S. TAYLOR, CHICAGO.

"Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he,
And no man an answer gave.
But who will haul up the flag, ask we,
Where the flag ought never wave:
Over an arrogant mission of spoil

That takes, as a matter of course,
A subject race and
and a conquered soil
And a government based on force!
Answer us!-answer us! true and fair,
Who will haul up Old Glory there?

"Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he.
Nay, think how it first went up
When War astride of the land and sea
Poured wrath from his brimming cup;
When brave men died and left in bequest
One pledge for the great and the small;
Not stars for a few and stripes for the rest,
But the flag of our country for all!
Answer us, truly and plainly, we pray:
Was that not its meaning in Washington's day?

From Washington's day to Jackson's time,
From Yorktown to New Orleans,

Did any man follow that flag sublime
And doubt what the symbol means?

Free self-ruled states, each one as a star
Fixed fast in a field of blue

Fenced in by the blood-red stripes of war
To preserve them for me and you!

Answer us, now, do you dare to drag
The old faith out of our father's flag?

"Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he.
Why, no hand of flesh and bone

Can lower that flag, on land or sea,
Till the faith of the flag is gone!

Till a few shall rule and cunningly keep
The bunting to garnish their greed;
Till dollars are dear and humanity cheap
By the force of a tory creed!

Then will it fall!-but answer us, clear,
Do you fancy that hour is drawing near?

Did our Liberty Bell ring in vain?

Was our Declaration a lie?

Must we turn to the old world again,

With the penitent prodigal's cry?

Must we arm us and march in the van

Of Europe's barbaric parade

And boom out a gunpowder gospel to man

To open a pathway for trade?

Shall we strut through the world and bluster and brag With the dollar-mark stamped on the brave old flag?

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Nay, haul up the flag-raise it high-
Not yet is its spirit spent!
Let it sing in the wind and the sky
The truth that it always meant!
Let it sing of the birthright of man,
Of progress that never can lag,

Let it sing that trade may go where it can

But liberty follows the flag!

Yea, haul up Old Glory-but, comrades, take heed

That no man shall part the old flag from the creed!

THE POOR MAN'S BURDEN.

By DR. HOWARD S. TAYLOR.

Pile up the poor man's burden-
The weight of foreign wars;
Go shrewdly yoke together

Great Mercury and Mars,

And march with them to conquest,
As once did ancient Rome,

With vigor on her borders

And slow decay at home!

Pile up the poor man's burden,
Accept Great Britain's plan;
She does all things for commerce-
Scarce anything for man.
Far off among the pagans
She seeks an open door
While Pity cries in London,

"God help the British poor!"

Pile up the poor man's burden-
His sons will hear our call,

Will feed the jungle fever
And stop the Mauser ball;
Will fall far off unnoted,

For spoils they may not share,
And spill their blood to water
A laurel here and there!

Pile up the poor man's burden;
Keep in the old, old track!
Let glory ride, as ever,

Upon the toiler's back.

Lay tax and tax upon him,
Devised with subtle skill-
Call forth his sons to slaughter
And let him pay the bill!

Pile up the poor man's burden!
The lords of trade, at least,
May drink, like King Belshazzar,

In comfort at the feast;

May boast, as did the monarch
Within his palace hall,

While God wrote out his sentence
In fire upon the wall!

CHAPTER IV.

SHOULD THE UNITED STATES EXPAND?

BY ANDREW CARNEGIE.

[Copyright, 1899, by Curtis Publishing Co., Phila, Pa.]

Secretary Gage has not only told us that he is a convert to imperialism, but he has fortunately given us the reason. All that is necessary is that our public men should give reasons for the Republic's abandoning the policy which has made her great. He accepts the dangers and cost of imperialism, against his own wishes, for the sake of commercial expansion.

Now, Secretary Gage has never manufactured anything; nor exported anything-he is neither in manufacturing nor in commerce. I am in both. Our concern is to-day the largest in its line in the world, and I believe it is also the largest exporter of manufactures in the United States. We have, within two years, begun to send our steel to all parts of the world. Our sales reach into the millions of dollars. We have our house in London now, as we have in New York. The foreign business is growing by leaps and bounds. Now, one of the reasons why I oppose imperialismthe acquisition of the Philippines-is commercial expansion.

The reason that Secretary Gage gives for acquiring the Philippines is the reason why I would not. He believes that it would be favorable to commercial expansion; I know that it would be detrimental. The Secretary gives no reason for thinking that the acquisition of distant possessions would increase our foreign trade.

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