MAY 4, 1832.] Postages and the Post Office. [SENATE. President. There can be no question that this "by au- Imagine, once more, that another permanent institution thority" gentleman speaks the feelings of "the palace." -the Supreme Court, should become obnoxious--that it Indeed, we should think, without these indications, that had decided in favor of personal liberty, and to snatch the the President would part with few of us without much re- victim from Executive vengeance, and thereby should gret, provided he himself could make the selection. The place the President in this dilemma, to liberate the citizen humble individual who now has the honor to address you, incarcerated, or refuse to execute the laws, and thus viohas been more than once honored with a hint of that sort late his oath of office; what could screen him from public from that source. Now, sir, I will embrace this oppor- detestation but a corrupt and subsidized press? And is tunity to return to the President my respectful compli- this, too, a supposition, an imagination, a dream? No such ments, and inform him that I have his proposition-that I thing; it is a sad reality. In a late case, when a conflict should resign--under profound consideration. But as existed between the United States and Georgia, and where there are several important matters, legislative and exe- the Supreme Court decided that a citizen was deprived of cutive, not yet acted on, in which he may feel a deep in-his liberty by that State, against the laws and constitution terest, and which may require the aid and assistance of all of the United States, the neglect and refusal of the Presihis friends, I shall postpone the proposition of resignation dent to liberate him was justified by assailing the court until I shall have rendered him all the service in my power through a venal and corrupt press. The New Hamp. upon these, and then shall resume it, and give it all the respectful attention which is due to the high source from whence it proceeds. shire Patriot, once edited by a member of this Senate, publishes "a letter from Washington," stating that this decision originated in political machinery; that two honFrom the same source, the official and its satellites, an orable Senators had entered into a conspiracy with a Marattempt might be made to undermine the Senate, by dis- shall, a Story, and others, that this decision should be robing it of its executive powers, and limiting the tenure made for party effect; and, since that time, the venerable of the office. The post office and the press might be and unequalled judges of that high court have been simulmade to combine their corrupt and corrupting influence taneously denounced throughout the Union, in the adto impress upon the public that this tribunal is an aristo- ministration papers, as dotards and political intriguers. cracy, throwing its influence against the people and their The public mind, thus perverted and corrupted by news. President. Might not demagogues and pensioned parti- papers bearing an official impress-even this permanent sans, through such a press as we now have, patronized tribunal, the sheet-anchor of the constitution, the people's and subsidized as it now is, excite a popular odium against last hope, loses all its efficacy, and becomes worse than the Senate? and might not the people, forgetting that it useless. A law, or treaty, or even the constitution itself, is was established to save the small States from the effect of expounded by the only earthly tribunal that has the right the popular will, combine to break it down, and thus de- to expound it; and yet the President refuses to execute stroy the powers of the States, and establish a consolidated the principle, thus sanctioned, under the panoply of a priGovernment, which would very soon end in a despotism? vileged, corrupted press. Sir, your President here asAnd is this all hypothetical? Is it not rather a reality? The sumes, nay, usurps, both legislative and judicial powers. Senator from Tennessee is in an error, if he supposes that He repeals a law, and reverses a judicial decision by rethe editor of the New York Enquirer was the first who pro- fusing to execute the law as adjudicated. The President posed to prune the Senate. Much as I reprobate any propo- and his press have interpolated a new principle into our sition, from any quarter, to rob this Senate of the powers system of Government, that he is the ultimate legislative granted to it by the constitution, would scarcely join him and judicial tribunal upon all pre-existing laws, treaties, in considering such a proposition very seriously, when com- and construction of the constitution, and, by his sovereign ing from such a source. The editor of that paper could not, will, he can annul them all at a breath. I think, excite any alarm on any subject. He is pretty Sir, to enable us to guard, in some measure, against powell known in this city, being the same valorous gentle-litical heresies like these, let us have this small protecman who came all the way on from New York to Wash- tion, this opportunity to circulate our truths in the same ington to fight; and when he got here he thought he had channels with your errors, and upon the same terms. —“ better not"--and so he-went back again! Had that You will have infinitely the advantage of us, after all. But been the only paper which had proposed to demolish the yield this little--give us these weapons, small as they are, Senate, the proposition would not have cost me a single and with our five smooth stones from the brook in our thought. No, sir, it was "the official" here-the organ shepherd's bag, and our sling in our hand, we will venof the administration-- the " by authority" which, imme- ture to go forth and meet your man of Gath, though "his diately after the rejection of the minister to England, pro- stature be six cubits and a span, and the staff of his spear posed to take from the Senate all executive power, and be like a weaver's beam." reduce their term to two instead of six years. Suppose, But a union of the post office and the press, to make it further, that individual members, from their unyielding, efficient, must be maintained at no small expense. Not uncompromising spirit, should become peculiarly offen- wealth alone, but honor, too, must constitute its reward. sive to the President. Let his editors, in their own States, It is not to be pacified with promises merely, nor will it taking their cue from his organ here, enlist all the minions long be made to subsist upon "hope deferred." It must of power and slaves of party to assail and break them be seen and well understood that here is the high road to down--and let this machinery be put in operation while office. The editor and postmaster, who has long been these Senators are here performing their duties, and in no faithful, expects his pay, and is not to be disappointed. If condition to defend themselves, is it probable that the the Senate reject him once, try him again--wait, watch, fairest and most honest could stand the shock? Neither and the moment there is a prospect, renominate him, or is this hypothetical. I ask honorable' Senators who hear circumvent the Senate by appointing him in the recess. me, if they have not been thus singled out and assailed under precisely the same circumstances. Not an individual who voted to reject the minister to England, but has been wantonly assailed by every pensioned press in the Union. They have called, they have advertised for "public indignation," and so loudly and incessantly, that some of their editors have refused to publish any more advertisements for "public indignation," unless they could be paid for it. At any rate, reward him. Patronage thus extended, not only in money, but in office, too, will secure a corps editorial, ready at a moment to execute any purpose which ambition or tyranny, or both, may desire. When these indications, nay, proofs, of the corruption of every source and avenue of information were seen, the people turned their eyes to the Senate for correction and redress. We have taken our stand, time after time, but we have been often, too often, vanquished. Still, I trust, SENATE.] Postages and the Post Office. [MAY 4, 1832. we are not subdued. There is a recuperative energy in our legislative duties, lest they might conflict with those here, which may yet withstand the combined efforts of which were judicial. It was answered and urged that both the executive and the popular branch. The people, the constitution of the Senate was such that it would uninfluenced by Executive fawning, and the press un- have legislative, executive, and judicial duties to perform; pledged and unprivileged, are standing forth to sustain and that it was its duty to meet them as they occurred, the Senate. Give us (we ask it not for our own sakes, and not to shrink from the execution of one, lest it might but in behalf of the States for whom we speak) some conflict with the fair exercise of the others; that any other chance--an equal one we do not expect. Tax not our construction would afford an apology for never acting at communications with each other, our interchange of all; that in the exercise of our executive powers, in every thoughts and opinions, when yours are all free. If you case where an officer was nominated for another or higher hold exclusively the purse and the sword, and the legis- office, the Senate must inquire into matters which may be lative, executive, and judicial powers, let us participate impeachable, or not examine his character or qualifications in the sources of information, when all the channels are at all. Whether the general principle or the particular yours. You cannot long succeed in guarding the doors of case excited so much sensibility about impeachable mat information. This age, and especially this people, will ter, certain it is, that, from this consideration chiefly, the not endure a licensed instruction, formed and fashioned resolution forbidding all inquiry into the causes of reby their rulers to perpetuate power. They will not long movals by the Postmaster General passed twenty-four to consent to be trammelled or hoodwinked. The time will twenty-one, and thus the committee were given to undercome when that which they now ask only, they will pe- stand that they were not to search for any act of this offi remptorily demand. cer for which he might be impeached! No matter what But the Senator from Tennessee, instead of discussing abuses or frauds there were which might need correction the question of the repeal of the postage, goes into an by legislative enactment, we were forbidden to find them elaborate defence of the Post Office Department. He out, lest thereby we should disqualify ourselves as judges. takes this occasion to give us an appendix to his defence Thus an inquiry into all the concerns of the department of his friend Mr. Barry, which he attempted last winter. was limited to an examination into almost nothing. The He seems to be conscious that that defence was a lame one; Senator from Louisiana [Mr. LIVINGSTON] took the lead and I confess I cannot perceive that this is much better. in this doctrine of inviolability, and he was translated to He asks, with an air of triumph, why do not you prosecute the head of the State Department; the Senator from New the inquiry which was then instituted? Now this is more Hampshire [Mr. WOODBURY] urged it with profound dethan I expected. What! why do not we prosecute the in-votion, and defended the Postmaster General against all quiry? Pray, sir, who was it that stifled that inquiry charges before he had examined any of them, and he was The Senator himself. This is, in brief, the history of translated to the head of the Navy Department. The that transaction. On the 15th of December, 1830, a re- Senator from Tennessee, last, though not least, did, from solution for inquiring into the whole affairs of that depart- the first, stick to his friend, even closer than a brother, ment was offered by my friend from Delaware, [Mr. and he was translated-nowhere. Sir, it is not fair. But CLAYTON,] which was adopted; a committee was appoint- there might have been a cause why he was not also reed, consisting of Messrs. Clayton, Grundy, Woodbury, warded, growing out of a subsequent transaction. An Hendricks, and myself-a majority particularly friendly after disclosure, to which he in some measure contributed, to the Postmaster General. We met, and proceeded in might have been the ground of discrimination in favor of the execution of our commission, but found it necessary the others. It will be recollected that an inquiry had to have power to send for persons and papers, which, on been made of the amount of additional compensation made the 28th of January, 1831, the Senate granted us. With by the present Postmaster General to contractors for this full power to execute this very broad commission, we carrying the mail, and that very late in the last session an proceeded. But on the examination of Abraham Bradley, answer was returned, by which it appeared that Mr. Brada witness, I put this question: "Was you removed from ley, after Mr. McLean's resignation, was acting Postmaster office; if so, when; and, if you know, for what cause or General one month before Mr. Barry took charge of the causes?" This was objected to, and a majority of the office, and that, during that period, he (Bradley) had committee voted to adjourn, to take time to consider. made in forty-nine instances extra allowances to conThat the removals from office were clearly within the tractors to the amount, in the whole, of $42,000. Bradley scope of our commission, no mortal could doubt. But we had complained to the President that these allowances adjourned, and on the 3d of February, and before the were illegal, and were made by Barry, and he had sworn committee had held another meeting, and without the least to the same thing before the committee. He was then notice of such an intention, that Senator offered a reso-shown the official report of Barry, in which they were lution to the Senate, restricting this inquiry, and declaring charged upon him. He still denied the truth of the re"that the committee were not authorized to call before port; and, upon examination, it was found that in thirtythem persons who have been dismissed from the post six of the forty-nine cases some name had been erased, and office, in order to ascertain the cause of their removal." Bradley's inserted. Upon this contradiction, and these This resolution, the most extraordinary thing that was ever strange appearances, it became necessary to ascertain placed on a legislative journal, did not deny the right of in- how the fact stood, and that Senator and myself were ap quiring into the causes of removals, but seemed to imply pointed a sub-committee to go to the department and exthat the persons removed were incompetent witnesses. It amine the officers and the books. We did so, and found was afterwards modified so as to inhibit all inquiry into that Bradley was right; that the report had originally the causes of removals, presenting the question of the contained the name of Barry, who did make the allow Postmaster General's irresponsibility to the Senate direct-ances, and by some rule, or legerdemain, of a certain ly before us. The resolution elicited much discussion. Obadiah Brown, a clerk, the whole thing had been chang It was advocated by the mover, (the present Secretary ed, and these extra and chiefly illegal allowances had of the Navy,) and the present Secretary of State; and been taken from Barry and shouldered off upon poor opposed by the minority of the committee. Hitherto, the Bradley. That Senator himself was present at the exdoctrine of irresponsibility had been limited to the Presi- amination, and witnessed the manner in which I recurred dent; now, it was extended to the chief of a department. to the original entry, and detected the error. It was urged that by this inquiry we might discover im- clear that it was admitted by all present, and the only peachable matter, which, as a high court of impeachment, apology attempted to be made for it was that "it was an we might be called to try, and that we must be restrained innocent mistake." These erasures were involved in a It was so MAY 4, 1832.] Postages and the Post Office. [SENATE. mass of documents sent in at the close of the session, and administration well pleaded, for it will always have able placed in the hands of the Post Office Committee, of advocates with liberal fees, and whose whole livings, which that Senator was chairman, and there kept until indeed, depend upon the success of their cause. Why, the session had almost expired, before they came to the then, are we not to hear the other side? Is your present hands of our committee. So gross and palpable were administration afraid of the truth? these erasures, that the Postmaster General and his friends It may sometimes occur, I admit, that a Government were confounded, and did not even pretend to justify the printer may use his influence against his patrons. Such act. The lame, extremely lame apology, that this was the independence and self-devotion, however, is scarcely to mistake of the subordinate clerks, was done away entirely be expected, and, if it occurs, it would not long be toleby the fact that these clerks who prepared the abstracts rated, Green, to be sure, did get into the habit of speakreported to the Senate, made them out right, with Barry's ing the truth; and though the administration has, for this, name as the author of the allowances, and it was by high-discharged him, he still is printer to Congress. Yet this er authority that the right name, "Barry," was erased, is scarcely an exception, inasmuch as it is not quite certain and the wrong one, "Bradley," inserted. This charge that Green has turned against a majority of Congress, but of $42,000 of extra allowances in a single month, if it is rather more probable that he and Congress have both justly fixed upon Bradley, would have been quite a suffi-turned against the administration. And cient cause for his removal. But Bradley was not guilty. The Senator from Tennessee complains that the repeal This fraudulent paper calculated, and, as he thought, in- of postage commences so soon as the 1st of July. tended, to cast the charge upon him most unjustly, had why not? If the tax is an unnecessary burden, the sooner been ordered to be printed. Bradley petitioned the Se- it is repealed the better. This period was probably nate that this order should be rescinded, as the publication selected as it is at the close of a quarter, and would, thereof a false charge upon him, under the sanction of the fore, create no inconvenience in settling the accounts. Senate, would destroy his reputation. Upon this petition The Senator very modestly proposes to postpone it until there was a discussion, and the whole of the transaction January, that is, until after the next Presidential election. was exposed, and the Senate, without a division, rescind- But there is not a little danger that it will then be too ed the order to publish. late. Give public opinion a wrong direction until after another election of President, and there is very little hope that you can ever correct it, or restore it to what it was, and always should be. Thus stood Mr. Barry at the end of the last session; the investigation just commenced; the committee forbidden to inquire into any thing which might amount to impeachable matter; a fortuitous development of a fraud, which, if An election of President, and Executive encroachments, coupled with the intent which the act would imply, was a usurpation, and prodigality, concealed from the people by high misdemeanor, an impeachable offence. The Presi- a control of the press--and, I ask, have the people a fair dent had seen all this, but had instituted no inquiry. The chance? Does either House maintain its dignity or its priPostmaster General himself had not requested or intimated vileges, it is assailed by a subsidized press. Does this a wish for an investigation by him or either House of Senate deliberate before it yields its obedience to ExecuCongress; and now, when it is so late in the session, that tive will, there are not wanting individuals who enjoy the his friend is safe from any final result, the Senator from hospitality of these walls, to pervert its act and arraign its Tennessee asks, why we do not pursue the inquiry! If motives, through this press. Is a minister rejected by the such an investigation, thus shackled and thus broken off, Senate for humbling the nation at the foot of a British at so critical a moment, has purified this officer, the Lord throne, the President's corps editorial starts simultanehave mercy on the impure, ously, and, with coincidental patriotism, advertises for But Barry took another course to purify himself; he public indignation at the atrocity of a refractory Senate. employed the very machinery of which we have been Does the judiciary venture to perform its duty regardless speaking-a pensioned press. Instead of calling on the of the Executive will, the Presidential corps is let loose President to institute an inquiry, or resorting to a judicial to hunt it down. Is your Postmaster General charged tribunal to manifest his innocence, he resorts to the offi- with official acts, which, if proved, would render him uncial; and no sooner are the backs of the Senators turned worthy of confidence, in the midst of the inquiry he apupon him, than the department prepares an ex parte de-peals to the public through a partisan official newspaper, fence, consisting chiefly of denunciations of the witness and scandalizes every one who has had any concern with Bradley, and the minority of the committee; charging the the inquiry. Thus the chief and his chiefs, covered with chairman, myself, and Bradley, as conspirators against the aegis of irresponsibility, and sustained and fortified by him, abusing and scandalizing members of a committee holding the source and channels of information, can adof this Senate for attempting to perform a duty assigned vance, do, and maintain, any thing, every thing. There them; and this libel, I presume, was published in the is nothing political, moral, or religious, which might not same Globe of which Shadrach Penn boasted he had re-be successfully assailed and demolished. published "two bushels in one day;" and it would be Sir, the Senator himself seems to apprehend the apwell to know whether the pay for this does not consti- proach of evil days, but trusts that some American Cato But this recurrence to tute part of the 22,600 dollars which Shadrach has already will come forth in our defence. received for printing for the department. Cato is a most unfortunate reminiscence--"A Senator of A principal consideration which should induce this re- Rome, while Rome survived," Cato was all that a Roman peal is, that no paper has ever been able to sustain itself Senator should be. But what could Cato, indeed, what at the seat of Government without the patronage of Go- could a whole Roman Senate, do, after Cæsar's arm had vernment. It will, consequently, be always the case, that prostrated in the dust the Temple of Liberty? Cato's unall, or nearly all, which goes from this city, will go through yielding virtue and uncompromising patriotism were exa protected or pensioned press. This repeal may enable erted too late. He had, to be sure, pointed at the cloud a press here to sustain itself without the further patron- which was gathering beyond the Rubicon, and warned the age of the Federal Government. The people may obtain, Senate that it would one day burst upon the city, to by this, one newspaper from this place, which will fear- the destruction of their liberty; but they viewed it at a lessly speak the truth, regardless of the frowns or smiles distance, regardless of the danger. The plausible, sucof power. Suppose it to be a party or opposition paper, cessful, ambitious Cæsar pressed on to the accomplishwill an honest and patriotic administration shrink from a ment of his object. "Pharsalia gave him Rome--Egypt free investigation, or be unwilling that the people shall had next received his yoke--and the whole Nile was CaWhat did he do? He held hear both sides? We shall always hear the cause of every sar's," What could Cato do? VOL. VIII.-57 SENATE.] Bank Report.—Stephen Pleasanton.--Post Office. [MAY 7, 1832. out to the last, and then took himself off. Would the Se- members of the committee against it, and three in its fanator carry the parallel further? The tragical death of vor, and the other member had declared that his acquiescCato was succeeded by the more tragical assassination of ence was not in consequence of his concurrence in all Cæsar. The spectre in the dream, who promised to meet the views of the report. So that, in fact, the committee Brutus at Philippi, had too fatally fulfilled her promise. were divided half and half. There was also a counter reThe triumvirate had met, and parcelled out the empire, port expected, which it was desirous to append. He saw and each had his proscription list allowed, and the streets there was a distinction between the report, and the report of Rome flowed, consequently, with her richest blood. and documents. He thought that none of the report Mark Antony had been subdued chiefly by the charms should go abroad, unaccompanied by the documents. As of a woman. Octavius, left without a rival, reformed the the chairman of their committee was now absent, he would Senate, and with them subdued the people, and then be- move to lay the resolution on the table. came "Cæsar Augustus" their master. The question was put on this motion, and decided in the affirmative--yeas 21, nays 15. STEPHEN PLEASANTON. Is this parallel prophetic? Is the time coming when we shall have our Cato, our Cæsar, our Brutus, and the catastrophe, and our triumvirate with the proscription and partition? Are we to have our Pharsalia and Philippi? Is The bill for the relief of Stephen Pleasanton [Fifth Authe last rival to find an Actium here? And, at last, is some ditor of the Treasury, making him an allowance for extra American Octavius to modify this body to his liking, and, services, in acting as Solicitor of the Treasury] was then with a Senate at his heels, subdue the people and become read a third time; and on the question of its passage, the our Augustus? Surely, sir, the allusion to Cato, and the yeas and nays were ordered, on the call of Mr. MARCY. signs of the times, induce thoughts not very exhilarating, and I therefore will not indulge in further reflections awakened by that Senator's allusion. Let us do all we can to preserve the sources and channels of instruction correct and pure, that the people may understand their rights, and know how to preserve them, and leave the event to Him who rules the destinies of nations. [The above remarks were delivered, in portions, on three different days, but are given here entire.] The Senate adjourned to Monday. MONDAY, MAY 7. BANK REPORT. The passage of the bill was opposed in some observations from Mr. MARCY, Mr. SMITH, and Mr. BUCKNER; and advocated by Mr. GRUNDÝ, Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN, Mr. CLAYTON, and Mr. WHITE. [It was contended by the opponents of the bill that these payments for extra services was the introduction of a new principle, the adoption of which would fill the Senate chamber with applicants for similar recompense; that a public officer receiving three thousand dollars a year was bound to undertake any duties which might be imposed upon him; that the Third Auditor had performed a variety of extraordinary services, and had never called for extraordinary recompense; and that the applicant, in this case, performed these extra services by means of clerks, who were sufficiently paid. On the other side, the ground taken was that no man was expected to perform more than reasonable service; that it was absurd to expect the exclusive devotion of all the energies of soul and body to the purposes of the Government; that it would be unreasonable to expect such devotion from members of Congress, and they had no right to expect it from others; that the Mr. BROWN spoke of the great importance of the re-officers were enjoying the luxury of repose; that the same extra duties were performed by the applicant when other port, and the necessity of supplying the people with it. The question was then put, and the motion for 5,000 was negatived--yeas 16, nays 19. The Senate took up a resolution submitted by Mr. BENTON Some days ago, to print copies of the report of the committee appointed by the House of Representatives to proceed to Philadelphia and investigate the affairs of the Bank of the United States. Mr. BENTON then moved to fill the first blank with the number 5,000. folio other reason than that he would not provoke the jealousy pages; and that he had postponed his claim for no of other officers of the Government.j The question on the passage of the bill being taken, was decided as follows: services, for which five hundred dollars a year were by this bill granted, had now to be performed at a cost of Mr. BENTON then moved the number 3,000. more than five thousand dollars a year; that the letters and Mr. POINDEXTER said that he would assign as a reainstructions issued by the applicant during the ten years son for his voting against 5,000, that he regarded the re-in which he performed those duties, filled six thousand port as involving no great principle whatever. He thought that its facts and details were of a nature to render them unimportant in a public point of view. As to the particular administration of the affairs of the bank, the stockholders had, in his opinion, much more interest in that matter than the people. The examination seemed to be little else than an investigation of private accounts kept in the institution. What was it to the public whether a hundred or a thousand dollars was lent to a manufacturer, or to a merchant, or even to a printer. Not a single good principle was spread through the report, and he knew no sufficient reason for subjecting the country to the heavy expense of this printing of an extra number. He was wil. ling that so many should be printed as was necessary for the use of the Senate, but he could not conceive of any The Senate then resumed the consideration of the bill practical good which would result from the circulation of to establish certain post offices and post roads, and disconan extraordinary number. He should therefore vote tinue others. against 3,000, Mr. EWING said that he had no great objection to the report going abroad. But he thought it might be the proper course to refer it, in the firstplace, to the committee on the subject; and also that the counter reports should be presented. It appeared that, although this report went abroad as the report of a majority, there were three YEAS.-Messrs. Bell, Benton, Clay, Clayton, Dudley, Miller, Naudain, Poindexter, Prentiss, Robbins, Ruggles, Ellis, Ewing, Frelinghuysen, Grundy, Holmes, Knight, Silsbee, Sprague, Tazewell, Tyler, Waggaman, White, Wilkins.-24. NAYS.-Messrs. Brown, Buckner, Foot, Hendricks, Hill, Marcy, Moore, Robinson, Smith, Tipton, Tomlinson. --11. POST OFFICE. Mr. HOLMES continued the observations which he commenced on Friday, in support of the amendment of fered by Mr. BIBB, to abolish the postage on newspapers, (as given above.) Before he had finished his remarks, he gave way to a motion to adjourn; and The Senate adjourned. A resolution offered yesterday by Mr. Foor, requesting the President to cause to be prepared, and laid before the Senate at the commencement of the next session, a plan for reorganizing the Treasury Department, so as to simplify the mode of settling accounts, and reduce the number of clerks, &c. was taken up, and agreed to. PUBLIC LANDS. Mr. DICKERSON then rose for the purpose of carrying into effect the notice he gave on Friday last; and moved that the Senate now proceed to the consideration of the bill to provide for the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands. Mr. SMITH expressed a hope that, as the Senate was nearly empty, the gentleman from New Jersey would postpone his motion. Mr. DICKERSON consented. [SENATE. subjects would not be called up until the post office bill should be disposed of. As soon as that was finished, and, for fear of offending his friend from Connecticut, he would also say, after the pension bill should be acted on, he would vote for taking up the subjects from the Committee on Manufactures. Mr. DICKERSON said his only object to-day was to ascertain whether the Senate would refer the report of the Committee on Manufactures to any other committee, and then to fix an early day for the consideration of the matter. If the coming in of gentlemen should, to-day, be time enough to give him an opportunity to renew his motion today, he should do so; but, if not, he gave notice that he should make his motion to-morrow. Mr. HAYNE stated that the best way of expediting the bills which were the subject of consideration, was to observe the rule not to take up the general orders every day until one o'clock. Had this rule been strictly acted on from the commencement, there would have been certainly one-half of the private docket extinguished. Here the conversation dropped. The CHAIR then proceeded to take up the general orders in succession. The bill to provide for the appointment of a recorder of the General Land Office coming up, was opposed. The object of the bill is to constitute an officer to sign the land patents, instead of requiring the signature of the President of the United States, as heretofore. Mr. CLAY said it appeared to him to be very important that the Senate should proceed, without further delay, to the despatch of that part of the public business which was to be disposed of before the adjournment of Congress. This was one of those important measures on which the prompt action of Congress was necessary. There were three subjects on which Congress was bound to act-the tariff--the bank-and the public lands; all these ought to be disposed of before the adjournment. Of his intention to call up to-day the bill now named, the chairman of the Committee on Manufactures had given notice on Friday [The bill was opposed on the ground that the duties last; and, if he was now to consent to withdraw his mo- could be performed by a clerk, if the President was untion, he hoped that he would fix an early day to take it up able to go through the patents with sufficient rapidity; but for consideration and discussion. He would have wished to that it was a dangerous power to place in the hands of any see the motion prevail at this time; and he was sorry that the other than the President, who alone should have the chairman of the Committee on Public Lands was not now power to transfer the eminent domain. It was alleged, on in his place. That Senator was usually very punctual in the other side, that the sales of lands had increased from his attendance, and some unexpected circumstance had six hundred thousand dollars to three millions; that the probably detained him from his seat this morning. Should business could not be done without additional aid, and the chairman of the Committee on Manufactures now that, whether the officers did their duty or not, the work withdraw his motion, he hoped it would be accompanied was not done.] by a notice that he should repeat his motion on to-mor- An amendment was moved by Mr. POINDEXTER to row. He repeated his desire that an early day might be insert the wordsappointed to go into the subject, for the purpose of dis- "And it shall be the duty of the said recorder to attach cussion. He hoped the Senate would consent either to to each patent a plat designating the boundaries, natural take up the subject of the bill to reduce the duties on and artificial, of the land described in the patent." imported articles, or the other bill, to reduce the duties On motion of Mr. POINDEXTER, the bill was then on protected articles. He trusted to see the Senate show-laid on the table. ing a disposition to take up these bills. He was indifferent as to the order in which they might be taken up, but he hoped they would be called up in succession. matter. NEWSPAPER POSTAGE. The Senate then resumed the consideration of the bill continue others. to establish certain post offices and post roads, and to disoffered by Mr. BIBB, to abolish the postage on newsThe question being on the amendment papers. Mr. HOLMES concluded his remarks in favor of the amendment, (as given above.) Mr. GRUNDY succeeded in reply, and in defence of Mr. Barry's management of the department. There was but little time left to act on these subjects. It was almost impossible to keep Congress together in the warm weather. Nearly six months had elapsed since the commencement of the session, and nothing had been done; and, if any member was prepared to say what would be done, he must express his own perfect ignorance of the He hoped that the Senate would take up one of the leading topics and act on it, while the House would act on another; and thus the rule would be avoided of both he advocated the policy of his amendment, and insisted Mr. BIBB then commenced some observations, in which Houses acting on the same subject at the same time. He expressed his willingness to sit five or six hours every day, diminution of revenue which would be occasioned by it. on the ability of the Post Office Department to sustain the to get through this business; and even to sit on Saturdays, At the same time, he defended the Postmaster General fatigued as the Senate was at the close of the week, to get from the attacks which had been made on his administra through the mass of private bills which had accumulated tion of the post office; and passed a high eulogy on his on their hands to an alarming extent, so as to leave the intellectual and moral worth. Before he had finished his other days of the week free for these important subjects. remarks, he gave way to a motion to adjourn. Thus Congress would be able to fulfil the expectations of the people, and to bring to a speedy termination a session already extended to an unreasonable length. Mr. SMITH suggested the propriety of fixing some particular day when the subject would be taken up at 12 o'clock. If members were not then in their seats, the fault would be their own. On motion of Mr. POINDEXTER, the Senate then adjourned. WEDNESDAY, May 9. The bill for the relief of John F. Lewis was then taken up. [This was a bill to refund the amount of duties paid on Mr. GRUNDY expressed a hope that these important certain articles which were ordered before the applicant |