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But you already have and will expect keen yet friendly rivalries, which are only the stimulating competitions of the struggle toward excellence going on everywhere at all times. Commerce, exchange, markets, trades extension — these are the fields in which the friendly commercial rivalry now proceeding between the American and Japanese peoples finds expression. Each, indeed, furnishes a wide market for the other, and beyond their respective boundaries they engage in this friendly trade competition for the various markets of the world, and will continue so to engage. It is doubtless true that trade and trade extension are the foundation in practical life of most advances in civilization. But the great modern movements of accord and good understanding between nations are after all the lofty achievements and the crown of all international relations. The controlling principle of these movements is peaceful and beneficial international intercourse, and the peaceful settlement by arbitration of differences and controversies — extending that principle, by friendly diplomacy, as rapidly as possible to embrace an increasing number and variety of disputes, and ultimately by voluntary international compacts making peaceful settlements of all differences compulsory or practically so.
I am confident that you will agree that it is altogether in accordance with the honorable and enlightened attitude both of Japan and the United States and that it should be the aim of true statesmanship, to continue to keep abreast of these beneficent movements in which they have borne so distinguished a part.
Thus the long and unbroken friendship of the United States and Japan, of which your visit and this occasion are such happy symbols, and the laudable common purpose of Japan and the United States to respect each other's rights, and with frankness, patience and good temper to adjust such differences as inevitably arise even between nations of sympathetic and common purposes wi!! be exemplars, which will bear fruit and aid in the gradual realization of the noblest ideals for the unity, concord and prosperity of the world.
In reply to the Secretary of State, Baron Shibusawa gracefully referred to arbitration and the desire of his country not merely to resort to it when necessary, but so to conduct its affairs as to prevent the necessity of resorting to it.
I am in hearty accord with the declaration of the Secretary of State on the great importance of arbitration, but we want to direct the commercial relations of the two countries to the benefit of each nation, that even a resort to arbitration will not be necessary. It is the ambition of Japan so to conduct her commercial competition as to have no misunderstanding with any other nation.
The declaration of the Secretary of State in favor of arbitration, and the desire of the Japanese Commissioner that the conduct of Japan be directed so as to render even the recourse to arbitration unnecessary, may be taken as the authoritative statement of the aims and policies of the two great nations, and it can not be doubted that the declarations themselves and the circumstances under which they were made render them deeply significant and important.
It should be added that the various addresses delivered in English were immediately translated into Japanese and the Japanese addresses were redelivered in English, so that the guests of both nationalities were given an opportunity to understand and appreciate in their own languages the full import of the various addresses. It is a subject of congratulation that the address of the Secretary of State was translated into Japanese and read by Mr. R. S. Miller, chief of the bureau of far eastern affairs of the Department of State.
MEETING OF PRESIDENT TAFT AND PRESIDENT DIAZ ON OCTOBER 16, 1909
In former times the meetings of sovereigns were events of moment and they are popularly supposed to exercise great influence upon the foreign policies of their respective countries. There can be no doubt that the meetings are useful, because an exchange of views by intelligent people upon questions of policy may tend to remove misunderstandings. if they unfortunately exist, and may lead to a more correct understanding of the aims and ambitions of the sovereigns charged with the direction, if not government, of their various countries. It is not easy to discuss difficult subjects by letter, and the peaceful development of the world has called the diplomat into being in order to serve as a mouthpiece of the foreign office; and, although it is maintained that serious questions between nations are really determined by the foreign offices, not by diplomatic agents, it is too clear for argument that the mere presence of a diplomat at his post is important, that personal discussion by him of the policies of his country with the foreign office not only clears up doubts and difficulties, but enables the policy of the home government to be realized if it be based upon reason and justice.
There is no reason to doubt that the personal interviews of sovereigns subserve the same useful purpose and that the frequency of such interviews makes for peace instead of conspiracies against the rights and liberties of foreign nations. The visits of the German Emperor are so frequent that he is popularly and sympathetically known as the Reisekaiser, and in a spirit of banter the present King of Great Britain is known as the "commercial traveler," a designation not wholly undeserved if we consider the changed state of affairs since his accession. due, it would seem, in large measure, to his personal acquaintance with his brother rulers and the frequent exchange of visits with them.
Fortunately, there are no outstanding difficulties between the sister republics of Mexico and the United States, but there can be no doubt whatever that the recent meeting on October 16, 1909, of President Taft with President Diaz upon American and Mexican soil brought into full relief the friendship of the two countries and is in itself evidence of the fact that their cordial relations are destined to continue and, if possible, to become still closer and sympathetic. Presidents do not often have the opportunity of meeting, but if the good results popularly attributed to the visits of sovereigns be justified, it would seem to follow necessarily and be too clear for argument that the frequent exchange of visits, however formal, between the chief executives of our sister republics would be an advantage not merely to the countries as such but to their fellow citizens. The example set by President Taft and President Diaz can not be too highly commended, and it is to be hoped that the example will be followed, not merely commended.
WILLIAM INSCO BUCHANAN
The sudden and tragic death of the Honorable William Insco Buchanan on October 16, 1909, closed a singularly interesting and rounded career, a source of just pride to his relatives and friends and of importance to the country he served in various capacities and always successfully during the past decade and more.
Mr. Buchanan was born in Ohio September 10, 1853, and was peculiarly and in no figurative sense of the word self-made, for from earliest childhood he was dependent upon his own exertions and never enjoyed the opportunities of our public schools, not to speak of the universities. And yet, in a certain measure, all success is made and all our successful men are self-made. Training in schools and universities help a young man to do what without their aid he must do alone and perhaps under adverse circumstances; but success in life, in our country at least, is made; it is not inherited.
Settling in Sioux (ity, Iowa, in 1882, it was there that he first attracted the attention of the public by organizing the Corn Palaces, a conspicuous feature in the western States during the eighties. It is interesting to note that his connection with the Corn Palaces not only brought him before the public, but attracted the favorable attention of President (leveland who appointed him to his first public position, namely, Democratic member from Iowa to the World's Columbian Expo sition, and while Mr. Bucanan was serving as chief of the department of agriculture (1890) and in charge of the live-stock and forestry depart. ments of the World's Fair (1891) appointed him envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic (1894), a post which he filled during the ensuing six years.
Mr. Buchanan took his duties as minister very seriously, took lessons in Spanish and acquired an easy and conversational knowledge of the language, and studied with the deepest interest and sympathy not only the institutions and customs of the Argentine, but the character and characteristics of the Latin-American. Able to converse with them in their own language he acquired in familiar intercourse their personal and national point of view and, approaching their problems with sympathy, he inspired their confidence to such a degree as to be looked upon rather as a friend and adviser than as a stranger among them. A signal instance of their confidence in him as a man and appreciation of his impartial judgment was his selection by the Chilean and Argentine governments as arbiter in the special commission to fix the boundary in the Puna de Atacama, and as arbitrator he succeeded in fixing the boundary line between Chile and the Argentine Republic between latitudes 23° and 26°, 52' 45" north, thus terminating a dispute marked with bitterness and illfeeling between the two countries.
Returning to the United States, he was director-general of the PanAmerican Exposition held at Buffalo in 1901, and a year later was delegate of the United States to the Second Pan-American Conference. The official report of the conference gives no adequate conception of Mr. Buchanan's very important and delicate rôle, for it is well-known that a failure to discuss compulsory arbitration at the conference would have caused the withdrawal of one section of the representatives and that a discussion of it would have resulted in the secession of the other representatives. Through the intervention of Mr. Buchanan it was agreed that partisans for and against should hold separate meetings outside of the convention, that the members of the conference should as a whole accept the Hague Conventions and that thereupon the resolutions adopted by partisans and opponents should be reported and spread upon the min. utes thus enabling the partisans of each view to present in permanent form their views, without disturbing the regular order of affairs in tie conference and permit the conference as a whole to accept the Hague ('onventions. It was at one time not improbable that the Second PanAmerican Conference would have broken up had it not been for the timely intervention, practical wisdom, conciliatory manner and the great judgment and tact of Mr. Buchanan.
Mr. Buchanan's successes at the Second Pan-American Conference, due not merely to his conciliatory attitude but to his profound and sympathetic knowledge of Latin-America, designated him as peculiarly qualified to represent the United States at Panama just after its separation from Colombia and its recognition by the United States in 1903. Mr. Buchanan was therefore sent as first minister of the United States to Panama, where he met and solved the various problems which presented themselves with his unvarying tact, skill and success.
In 1907 Mr. Buchanan was one of the delegates of the United States to the Second Hague Peace Conference, and upon his return from The Hague represented the United States in the Central American Peace Conference held in Washington in the months of November and December 1907. The conference was composed of the five states of Central America and resulted in a general treaty, several minor agreements, and above and beyond all, in the establishment of the Central American Court of Justice. Through the generosity of Mr. Carnegie, a building was provided for the court at Cartago, Costa Rica, and in June 1908 Mr. Buchanan, as the representative of the United States, was present at its opening. Within the first year of its creation the tribunal justified its establishment, for by accepting jurisdiction in the complaint of Honduras against Gautemala and Salvador for unneutral conduct, and by ordering the preservation of the status quo, it prevented an outbreak of war in Central America.
For years the relations between Venezuela and the United States had been unsatisfactory; diplomatic relations had been severed owing to the refusal of Venezuela either to arbitrate or to settle claims of American citizens against Venezuela which the Government of the United States thought to be just. Upon the overthrow of President Castro's government, Mr. Buchanan was sent as special commissioner to Venezuela and by forbearance, tact, an understanding of the people with whom he was to negotiate and a masterly knowledge of the cases themselves, he succeeded in settling two of the cases, namely, the case of the New York & Bermudez Company and recovered an indemnity for the expulsion of Jaurett. Three cases of the five were to be submitted to arbitration at The Hague unless they were previously settled through diplomatic channels, and of these three cases two, namely, the cases of the Orinoco Corporation and the United States & Venezuela Company, were satis factorily adjusted through diplomatic channels. One case, namely, that of the Orinoco Steamship Company against Venezuela remains to be