indicating the Saxon viewpoints, and the reader is referred to the elaborate address of the Mexican Ambassador who spoke for the republics of the South.

Secretary Knox spoke in full as follows:

Mr. PRESIDENT, LADIES, AND GENTLEMEN: I feel that I am especially privileged in taking part in the auspicious ceremony of the dedication of the building to be devoted to the cause of peace and good will between the Republics of LatinAmerica. It is more than a privilege, it is a duty incumbent on me to voice the sympathy of the United States in the great work which it is the mission of the International Bureau of the American Republics to accomplish and to give renewed assurance, if such be needed, of the earnest and unselfish purpose of the Government and people of the United States to do all that lies within their power toward the fulfillment of the high task set before you.

The great movements of the people of the earth looking to closer association and truer kinship are often slow of realization. Such movements spring from within. They are not arbitrarily imposed by outward forces. Their primary impulse is the growing conviction of neighboring communities that the development and prosperity of each is in harmony with the advancement of the rest and that between peoples of the same ideals, living under the same political conditions and sharing in a common environment, there is a certain sentiment of unity which moves them to closer intimacy. The growth and fruition of that sentiment is the work of time, of centuries perhaps. Rarely has the seed been sown and the tree matured within the lifetime of a single generation.

The movement in whose confirmation we take part to-day has been exceptionally favored. The reason of its marvelous fertility of development is not far to seek. The soil was prepared a century ago when the colonists of Spanish America established free communities from the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, following their northern brethren of the United States, and the peoples of that vast domain, from being dependents of a common motherland, became fellow-workers in the building up of a scheme of kindred sovereignties. As historical eras are computed those sovereignties are yet young. It is a happy coincidence that at this very time they are commemorating the independence they won a hundred years

ago.

Many of those among us were witnesses of the birth of the Pan-American idea in the First International Conference of American Republics held in this capital twenty years ago. We have watched its growth year by year with ardent solicitude. From the first the people of the United States, through their Government and Congress, have lent hearty and effective aid to the great enterprise. The representatives of all the Republics of the West have met, in cordial harmony, under the international Pan-American banner, as the honored guests of the American Union; and this nation, in turn, never unmindful of the sacred duties of a host, has taken part as a simple colaborer in the tasks of the great body politic which has been created by the concurrent efforts of all. It is a logical consequence of that dual relationship that the home of the International Bureau, in which we are to-day assembled, is the gift in a large part of a citizen of the United States to all the peoples of the Western Republics, and that we

of the United States, in common with our Pan-American brethren, accept that noble gift, firm in the conviction that it will be a worthy instrument toward the attainment of the high aims of the International Bureau, and, with devout hearts, we supplicate the Giver of all Good that the efforts of our association may be thrice blessed and through its influence the nations of Pan-America may, year by year, be brought into closer accord and more benevolent community of interests.

Senator Root, whose speech, to quote the President's happy phrase, was as perfect in its way as the architecture of the building," said in part:

The active interest of President Taft and Secretary Knox are evidence that the policy of Pan-American friendship reinauguarated by the sympathetic genius of Secretary Blaine is continuous and permanent in the United States; and the harmony in which the members of the Governing Board have worked to this end is a good omen for the future.

This building is to be in its most manifest utilitarian service a convenient instrument for association and growth of mutual knowledge among the people of the different Republics. The library maintained here, the books and journals accessible here, the useful and interesting publications of the Bureau, the enormous correspondence carried on with seekers for knowledge about American countries, the opportunities now afforded for further growth in all those activities, justify the pains and the expense.

The building is more important, however, as the symbol, the ever-present reminder, the perpetual assertion of unity of common interest and purpose and hope among all the Republics. This building is a confession of faith, a covenant of fraternal duty, a declaration of allegiance to an ideal. The members of the Hague Conference of 1907 described the Conference in the preamble of its great Arbitration Convention as

"Animated by the sincere desire to work for the maintenance of general peace. "Resolved to promote by all the efforts in their power the friendly settlement of international disputes.

"Recognizing the solidarity uniting the members of the society of civilized

nations.

"Desirous of extending the empire of law and of strengthening the appreciation of international justice."

That is the meaning of this building for the Republics of America. That sentiment which all the best in modern civilization is trying to live up to we have written here in marble for the people of the American continents.

The process of civilization is by association. In isolation, men, communities, nations, tend back toward savagery. Repellant differences and dislikes separate them from mankind. In association, similarities and attractions are felt and differences are forgotten. There is so much more good than evil in men that liking comes by knowing. We have here the product of mutual knowledge, cooperation, harmony, friendship. Here is an evidence of what these can accomplish. Here is an earnest of what may be done in the future. From these

windows the Governing Board of the International Union will look down upon the noble river that flows by the home of Washington. They will sit beneath the shadow of the simple and majestic monument which illustrates our conception of his character, the character that, beyond all others in human history, rises above jealousy and envy and ignoble strife. All the nations acknowledge his preeminent influence. He belongs to them all. No man lives in freedom anywhere on earth that is not his debtor and his follower. We dedicate this place to the service of the political faith in which he lived and wrought. Long may this structure stand, while within its walls and under the influence of the benign purpose from which it sprang the habit and the power of self-control, of mutual consideration, and kindly judgment more and more exclude the narrowness and selfishness and prejudice of ignorance and the hasty impulses of supersensitive amour-propre. May men hereafter come to see that here is set a milestone in the path of American civilization toward the reign of that universal public opinion which shall condemn all who through contentious spirit or greed or selfish ambition or lust for power disturb the public peace, as enemies of the general good of the American Republic.

One voice that should have spoken here to-day is silent, but many of us can not forget or cease to mourn and to honor our dear and noble friend, Joaquim Nabuco. Ambassador from Brazil, Dean of the American Diplomatic Corps, respected, admired, trusted, loved, and followed by all of us, he was a commanding figure in the international movement of which the erection of this building is a part. The breadth of his political philosophy, the nobility of his idealism, the prophetic vision of his poetic imagination, were joined to wisdom, to the practical sagacity of statesmanship, to a sympathetic knowledge of men, and to a heart as sensitive and tender as a woman's. He followed the design and construction of this building with the deepest interest. His beneficent influence impressed itself upon all of our actions. No benison can be pronounced upon this great institution so rich in promise for its future as the wish that his ennobling memory may endure and his civilizing spirit may control in the councils of the International Union of American Republics.

Mr. Carnegie, the generous donor of the building, spoke not merely as a philanthropist but as a surviving member of the first conference, and in the course of his remarks paid a well merited tribute to Secretary Knox's proposed constitution of the Court of Arbitral Justice.

Mr. CHAIRMAN, MR. PRESIDENT, DIPLOMATS, LADIES, AND GENTLEMEN: As one of the remaining members of the First International Conference of the American Republics, whose interest in the cause has increased with the years, no duty could be assigned me more pleasing than that I am now called upon to perform by the favor of the Governing Board of the International Bureau of the American Republics - that of participating in the dedication of this beautiful structure to its noble mission of promoting the reign of peace and good will, and of progress, moral and material, over the Republics of this vast continent. Nor would we exclude from friendly cooperation our growing neighbor of the north, who enjoys like ourselves government of, and for, and by the people, should she

in the course of time decide, with the cordial approval of her illustrious parent land, to enter the brotherhood, thus extending it over the entire continent, an area nearly four times as large as Europe. Surely such a spectacle would soon lead the whole civilized world to follow.

Upon such an occasion as this our thoughts naturally revert to the past services of Secretary Blaine, who stands forth preeminent, presiding as he did over the First Conference of the Republics held in Washington, which conference he had called into being. We rejoice that upon these walls a permanent tribute to his memory is soon to appear. His successor, Senator Root (then Secretary of State, and to whom we chiefly owe this beautiful structure), was an honorary president of the recent and third conference and was the pioneer among high officials in visiting our southern brethren in their own countries. Much has he done for the cause, and in due time a similar tribute to him will no doubt be erected. His successor, our chairman, Mr. Knox, is already to be credited with a notable success in suggesting that the International Prize Court, agreed to by the delegates of the eight leading naval powers, be converted into an arbitral court composed of the most eminent jurists of the respective countries, authorized to decide any international disputes brought before it. Should this pregnant suggestion be approved, of which there is strong hope, the world will have at last its greatest need supplied and the young Secretary of State's everlasting monument be thus provided by one stroke of his pen.

I wish to congratulate the twenty Latin nations south of us upon their educational and intellectual progress, their vast resources, and growing prominence and international influence. Their expanding trade and commerce are remarkable. The International Bureau of American Republics is performing a great work in keeping the peoples of the world advised of these matters. I confess that the figures surprise me. These twenty Republics have already 70,000,000 of people, and their foreign trade, which has doubled in the last ten years, amounts to $2,000,000,000 (not millions, but billions). Trade between our own country and these has also doubled in that time and reaches $600,000,000. If the Bureau continues keeping the world advised of the progress of PanAmerican commerce and Pan-American railways and continues to report such amazing progress and resources, it may soon be questioned whether this twentieth century is after all to be Canada's century. It may be captured, not by the northern, but by the southern part of our continent. My recent visit to the West and the Pacific convinced me that the center nation, winner of the nineteenth century, is still in the race and is not to be regarded as a negligible quantity in the struggle for record progress in the twentieth. In any case, we of the middle portion will heartily congratulate our advancing sister nations, north or south.

Mr. Chairman, fully am I persuaded that the rulers and statesmen of the earth, all of whom are to-day constantly proclaiming their earnest desire for peace, are sincere in their protestations. Why, then, is this universally desired peace not promptly secured? Equally am I persuaded that the true root of the failure lies in the fact that these rulers and statesmen know not each other well. They are strangers, and therefore naturally and mutually suspicious. When a

difference arises, they meet as strangers, knowing not the sincerity, the truthfulness, the keen sense of honor, and the earnest desire for peace of their fellowstatesmen. The French have a proverb-"We only hate those we do not know." The reverse is also self-evidently true-"We only love those we do know."

Two men differ; if strangers, the probable result is strife. Two friends differ; the probable result is peaceful settlement either by themselves, or, failing that, by arbitration of friends, and the two friends become dearer to each other than before. Why? Because neither has assumed to sit as judge in his own cause, which violates the first principles of natural justice. The greatest crime that either man or nation can commit is to insist upon doing that which would consign the judge upon the bench to infamy if he ever dared to sit in judgment upon a cause in which he was an interested party. In nations which will tolerate the duel, its practice is rapidly falling into disrepute, and a court of honor is coming into general use, first to determine whether the two foes are justified in breaking the peace.

One of the chief missions of this palace should be, as their natural home, to draw together the diplomats and representative men of all our Republics and enable them to know each other and learn of the sterling virtues of their colleagues, and especially their earnest desire for the prosperity of all their neighbors and their anxious hope that peace shall ever reign between them. Thus these statemen will become lifelong friends to whom may safely be intrusted the settlement of any international difference that may arise. Above all, we may expect that between such friends no one would insist upon sitting as judge upon his own cause were the other to propose leaving the difference to a mutual friend. This, then, is one of the greatest missions of this international meeting ground in which we are assembled. Nor will its mission be fulfilled until every Republic, and, I fondly hope, Canada also included, shall have agreed to lay aside the sword.

The most momentous declaration ever made upon this subject by the chief of a nation is that of our President recently in New York. He proclaimed that all international disputes should be settled by arbitration; no exceptions. A court of honor should decide whether any dispute involved that phantom of nations called honor. The independence and existing territorial limits of nations would, of course, be sacred and recognized as beyond dispute. He has given us the true solution of the problem of peace against war and placed our Republic in the van, and he is to rank in history with the greatest benefactors of his race.

The crime of war is inherent - it gives victory not to the nation that is right, but to that which is strong.

As I speak there comes to me a new poem, The New Age. I quote two verses:

When navies are forgotten

And fleets are useless things,

When the dove shall warm her bosom

Beneath the eagle's wings,

When memory of battles

At last is strange and old,