On vol. ii. p. 854.), terminated Dec. 20, 1714. Monday, January 3, 1715, the first number of the ninth volume appeared, in a folio size, similar to that of the preceding volumes, printed for Edward Powell, instead of S. Buckley and J. Tonson, who had printed the eighth volume. At the end of the 54th No. of the ninth volume is a note: clothes into articles of food and other necessaries. The letter W is, however, subjoined to this paper. JAS. CROSSLET. READINGS IN SHAKSPEARE, NO. VI. A sea of troubles is, in this passage, one of those doubtful expressions of which the genuineness is necessarily suspected, because of incongruity with etical and harmonious to satisfy the ear more than the context; while in itself it is sufficiently po it offends the sense. ordinary combination of appositeness and probability; and hence the several alterations hitherto proposed have all failed, because none of them existing word to justify the supposition of a mispresented a sufliciently close resemblance to the "N.B. My readers having been several times disappointed of the Spectator, which they have given me so good reason to believe they are pleased with, I have in gratitude taken care to remedy that neglect by chusing diligent Mrs. Burleigh for my publisher." It is thenceforward printed and sold by R. Burleigh in Amen Corner. It closed on Wednesday, August 24, 1715, and contains in all, as originally Hence, to have a chance of success, any pro published in folio, sixty-two numbers, not fifty-posal for its alteration must present a more than nine as Chalmers, or sixty-one as Dr. Drake has mentioned. The last number seems singularly enough to have escaped the attention of the publisher who collected the whole into a volume. In the seventh edition of the ninth volume (Dubl. 1735, 12mo.), the last number is 695, answering to 61 of the folio edition. In the original folio, of which I possess a copy, there are no letters or signatures at the end of the different papers to designate the several writers. These, it appears, were afterwards added when the numbers were collected into a volume. The letter B is subjoined to twenty-six numbers, W to six, O to four, L to three, M to two, and IB, TW, G, NT, W B, S, and H, to one number each. If B be intended for the editor, William Bond, he was by no means so inferior a writer as he has been represented. He afterwards joined Aaron Hill in the Plain Dealer, and incurring the ire of Pope was pilloried in the Dunciad. There is a most touching letter from him in the Prompter (6th June, 1735), a periodical of unfrequent occurrence, of which I have a copy, predicting his own death whilst acting Lusignan in the tragedy of Zara, and which, when the play came to be performed, really occurred. This letter has not been noticed in the Biographia Dramatica, or Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary, article " Bond," but ought certainly to be given at length in any future life of him. The ninth volume of the Spectator, which he edited, deserves, perhaps, more attention than it has hitherto received; and it would be desirable to ascertain the contributors as far as it can be done, amongst whom Aaron Hill, I have no doubt, will be found to be one. Dr. George Sewell, we are told, in Cibber's Lives of the Poets (vol. iv. p. 188.), “was concerned in writing the ninth volume of the Spectator," but there is no particular reference to the papers which he furd. I cannot but think that I trace Swift in per No. 4. in the folio, and No. 639. in the ted edition, in which a poor man gives a rous account of the metamorphosis of his print. Pope proposed the substitution of a siege: "To take arms against a siege of troubles." Warburton proposed assail : "To take arms against assail of troubles." And, in an old copy of the 4th folio, now before me, the line is thus corrected (in MS. writing of the true time-browned, rusty-iron, hue): "To take arms against assailing troubles," accompanied by this unassuming marginal note. "So changed by some to preserve y metaphor." Theobald, Johnson, Steevens, Malone, and thrown away great pains and learning to prove, others, who support the present reading, have what no person denies, that "a sea of troubles" taphor; but they have not attempted to expla in itself a perfectly correct and intelligible the real difficulty, that to take arms against a $3 assists in carrying on the general allusion to neither presents an intelligible idea in itself, net offensive and defensive warfare. They do not derstood, whether as artificial weapons, like Dame even explain in what sense arms should be unPartington's broom, or as the natural appendages of the human frame, as interpreted by the Spanish translator of Hamlet Aponer los brazos á este torrente de calamidades." Slings and arrows are figurative of armed aggression, against which to have recourse to arms in opposition is a natural sequence of idea; but if these arms are to be directed against a sea of troubles, the sequence is broken, and the whole allusion becomes obscure and uncertain. Here it is that sound steps in in default of sense, and the superficial examiner is satisfied. But the whole image is that of a possé of evils a mortal coil, thronging to assail us in this life as it is afterwards called, in opposition to the immortal coil after death of ills we know not of. this attack we may put an end to, or "shuffle off," by taking arms against it, scilicet, "a bare bodkin!" Thus the very necessity of the context plainly exacts some word expressive of tumultuous attack; and such a word we obtain, bearing precisely that meaning, by the slight alteration of a sea into assay. It is singular that this word assay, which fulfils in so remarkable a degree all the prescribed conditions, should have been overlooked by Pope and Warburton; but it is still more singular that lexicographers, amongst the several definitions they have ascribed to it, should have failed to include that one peculiar meaning — charge, or onset-which renders it so appropriate. Because that meaning is supported by numerous examples in the old writers, nay, it is even deducible from some of the passages cited by these lexicographers themselves. Thus, Dr. Johnson's fourth definition is "trial by danger or distress, difficulty, hardship," to illustrate which these lines are cited from Spenser: "She heard with patience all unto the end, And strove to master sorrowful assay." But here, not one of the definitions suit the passage; on the contrary, the plain meaning of assay is access (in the medical sense), which again is synonymous with attack. In Halliwell's Archaic Dictionary, the fifth definition of assay is, "the attempt, the moment of doing it." I do not profess to understand the last branch of this definition, but the lines illustrative of it are these: "And ryght as he was at assaye, Hys lyking vanysht all awaye." in which, also, the plain meaning of assaye would appear to be onslaught or attack. In other examples the same meaning might be fairly contended for in preference to those usually attributed to them, viz. in Milton: 66 Many a hard assay Of dangers, and adversities, and pains." As to probability of substitution, an equally close approximation exists between assay and a sea, as in the similar case of asters and as stars; nor is it at all certain that even in sound the vowels a and e were so distinctive in those days as they are in our own. If, therefore, asay were spelt, as was often the case, with a single s, a simple misconception on the printer's part would sufficiently account for the substitution. But the most cogent presumption that assay is the right word, arises from its true Shakspearian fitness. "A siege," "assail," "assailing," would, it is true, satisfy the bare exigency of the context; but none of them would assist and further it as That word has all the meaning of the assay does. others, with the additional sense, peculiar to itself, of thronging, or simultaneous, onset: and as the illustration of one passage in Shakspeare generally leads to the better understanding of another, so this peculiar sense of assay assists in the interpretation of another expression in the same play (King's soliloquy, Act III. Sc. 3.), where "make assay receives great force and beauty if interpreted "throng to the rescue:" to "O limed soul; that struggling to be free, Art more engaged! Help, angels, make assay!" Therefore I think a sufficient case is made out justify the reading I now propose, viz.: "Whether 'tis nobler in the mind, to suffer The slings and arrows of outrageous fortune; Or to take arms against assaye of troubles, And, by opposing, end them." A. E. B. THE FIRST GENUINE EDITION OF JUNIUS'S LETTERS. - Now, I must observe that my former correspondence arose out of the piratical copies in the London Library, to which you directed my attention, and that I confined myself exclusively to the piratical editions which preceded the publication of "the author's edition," and made no further reference to any edition published by H. S. Woodfall than was required for the illustration of my subject. 1, however, am quite willing to give my reasons for the incidental assertion to which he refers; only reminding him and you (I return his letter) that his proofs to the contrary amount to this, and no more,—"I ever thought so, and think so still:" according to which form of logic I might, with equal propriety and more truth, affirm that the edition to which he refers was the last published with the name of H. S. Woodfall in the title-page. "the author's," as The first genuine edition Junius calls it was published on the 3rd March, 1772. Of that there can be no doubt. (See antè, p. 224.) Junius, we know, was very angry at the delay which had taken place in the publication of "the author's edition." In Private Letter No. 51. (Jan. 10th) he says: "I am truly concerned to see the publication of the book so long delayed." In No. 55. (17th February) he reiterates his surprise and regret: "I could not have conceived it possible that you could protract the publication so long. At this time, particularly before Mr. Sawbridge's motion, it would have been of singular use. You have trifled too long with public expectation." Thus stimulated, Woodfall appears to have roused himself. If he could publish "before Sawbridge's motion," it might be of "singular use," and would certainly gratify Junius; and it appears from P. L. No. 57. (29th February), that Junius was gratified at the possibility that it would, could, or might be done. It was, however, in sporting phrase, a neck-and-neck affair. Thus in the Public Advertiser of the 3rd of March, it is announced by advertisement, Junius's Letters are "this day published;" and in same paper the following figures as first paragraph of news: "We have authority to assure the public that Mr. Sawbridge's motion for shortening the duration of Parliaments will be made to-morrow." Had the edition published on this 3rd of March a Table of Contents and an Index? If it had not, the question is decided against the "affirm" of FRANCISCUS. I think it had not, and for these reasons: (5th March), wherein he acknowledges the receipt of the "sewed" copies: "If the vellum books are not yet bound, I would wait for the Index. If they are, let me know by a line in P.A." This, I think, is proof that the first edition, or first issue of first edition, had no Index; and that disposes of FRANCISCUS and his "affirm." As I am on this subject, I may as well help to solve the question, when the Table of Contents and Index were published? although a few inci dental notices are all I have to offer. The following is the "line in P. A." of the 6th March, in answer to Junius's letter and instruetions of the 5th :-"They are not in hand, there fore DIRECTIONS shall be punctually complied with. After this there appears to have been some private communication from Woodfall, to the effect, I suppose, that the Index would take time in preparing, as Junius replies, No. 61. (3rd May): "I am in no manner of hurry about the books." I indeed believe that the first intimation we have of a perfect copy of any edition (I mean with Table of Contents and Index) is in Woodfall's letter, No. 64. (7th March, 1773), and the proba bilities are that the delay had been consequent on the time required to prepare the Index, which was to be inserted therein according to the instructions of Junius, No. 59. From the expressions in th letter, it might not unreasonably be inferred t Junius had not, and could not, have seen a copy says: either Contents or Index; for Woodfall the manner of the Contents and Index are not agreeable to you, they shall be done over again, according to any directions you shall please to favour me with." Whether the Table of Contents and Index were first issued with a new edition, or added to copies which remained on hand of the first edition, I can not say. I believe that H. S. Woodfall issued more than one literal reprint, observing the same forms, and using the same type; so that it is di cult to distinguish the one from the other. Ily know that I have two copies with Table of Co tents and Index, and with the engraved title-page of "1772." It was just before the 3rd of February that such Table and Index were first mentioned; and Junius, no doubt frightened by any possible apology for further delay, immediately protested against them. Junius was for publication- immediate publication; and he knew, what we all know, that an "elaborate index" of thirty-eight pages, such as was evidently contemplated, and did eventually appear, was not to be hurried out in a moment, or completed as soon as it was thought of and decided on. Further, though the advertisements of the edition published on the 3rd of March are more than usually minute in their description, they make no mention whatever of Table of Contents or Index; and I have three copies of the edition of "1772," one in the original marble overs "sewed," without either: and, conclusive I believe, Junius says in the very letter, No. 59. diately despatched to one of the trade auctions, I come now to the edition respecting which FRANCISCUS does not "scruple to affirm." First, let me ask you, who are experienced in such matters, whether an edition takes rank according t priority of printing or of publication? for on this I suspect, turns the question whether the edition to which he refers is to be considered as the fourth, fifth, fortieth or fiftieth. The facts I take to be these. Some few years since, on clearing out the accumulations from the warehouses of Mr. George Woodfall, there was found an edition of Junius's Letters, which apparently had been printed at some dull season for a future demand, then stowed away and forgotten. These piles of paper were imme I occasionally see literary and other paragraphs in the newspapers which, though of more than passing interest, are soon utterly lost and forgotten in those trackless seas of print. One such I send herewith as a specimen, and would suggest whether it might not be made compatible with editorial duties to collect and give permanent life to these interesting "waifs and strays." Your readers might also be requested to assist, especially from the provincial papers. J. MD. "The following passage from the memoirs of the late General v. Müffling, written by himself, under the title of Aus meinem Leben, will perhaps at this moment be read with some interest. Muffling was the agent of all communications between the headquarters of Blucher and the Duke of Wellington during the march of the allies on Paris, after the return of Napoleon from Elba: "During the march (after the battle of Waterloo) Blucher had once a chance of taking Napoleon prisoner, which he was very anxious to do; from the French Commissioners who were sent to him to propose an armistice, he demanded the delivery of Napoleon to him as the first condition of the negociations. I was charged by Marshal Blucher to represent to the Duke of Wellington that the Congress of Vienna had declared Napoleon outlawed, and that he was determined to have him shot the moment he fell into his hands. Yet he wished to know from the Duke what he thought of the matter; for if he (the Duke) had the same intentions, the Marshal was willing to act with him in carrying them into effect. "The Duke looked at me rather astonished, and began to dispute the correctness of the Marshal's interpretation of the proclamation of Vienna, which was not at all intended to authorise or incite to the murder of Napoleon; he believed, therefore, that no right to shoot him in case he should be made prisoner of war could be founded on this document, and he thought the position both of himself and the Marshal towards Napoleon, since the victory had been won, was too high to permit such an act to be committed. I had felt all the force of the Duke's arguments before I delivered the message I had very unwillingly undertaken, and was therefore not inclined to oppose them. therefore," continued the Duke, "wish my friend and colleague to see this matter in the light I do; such an act would give our names to history stained by a crime, and posterity would say of us, they were not worthy to be his conquerors; the more so, as such a deed is useless, and can have no object." Of these expressions, I only used enough to dissuade Blucher from his intention,' "I "There are three despatches given by Müffling in the appendix to his memoirs, in which the execution of Napoleon is urged on the Duke of Wellington by Blucher; they are signed by Gneisenau, and leave no doubt of the determination to revenge the bloodshed of the war on the cause of it, had he fallen into the hands of the Prussian commander. Blucher's fixed idea was that the Emperor should be executed on the very spot where the Duc d'Enghien was put to death. The last despatch yields an unwilling assent to the Duke of Wellington's remonstrances, and calls his interference dramatic magnanimity,' which the Prussian headquarters did not at all comprehend. Probably but few Frenchmen are aware of the existence of this cor respondence, or that it is an historical fact Napoleon's life was saved by his rival, whom it cost no small exertion to save it." From The Times of Oct. 4, 1852, under the general heading of "PRUSSIA. From our own Correspondent, Berlin, Sept. 29." Minor Notes. Christmas-day on a Thursday. - In an old poem preserved among the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, occurs the following superstition connected with the falling of Christmas-day on a Thursday: "If Christmas-day on Thursday be, It shall quickly from thee glide." The prophecy regarding the first six lines has been fulfilled; it remains to be seen whether the rest will be so or not. W. Chronogram.-On a bell at Clifton-on-Teme, Worcestershire, is this inscription: "HENRICVS IEFFREYES KENELMO DE VOVIT." The large capitals were a quaint device to represent, in Roman numerals, the year in which the recasting of the bell took place, 1668. J. NOAKE. Worcester. Cheshire Proverbs and Proverbial Sayings.From a collection I have seen, it would appear that Cheshire is famed for its proverbs and proverbial sayings, which to a stranger in that county "By a change of the dye On his back here doth lie, Our most audible clerk Mr. Hammond. Yet, at length, he by Death is backgammon'd. With Death we're now even, Queries. Bk. 2. ch. xxviii." If I believe that Sempro digged Titus out of the parsley-bed (as they used to tell children). . . " Has this bit of folk lore received due consider ation in your pages? Bk. 3. ch. xi., near end. "Methinks it not unres sonable that [in dictionaries] words standing for things which are known and distinguished by their outward shapes, should be expressed by little draughts a prints of them." When was Locke's suggestion first adopted? Bk. 4. ch. xv., end.-Is not this story usually told of the King of Bantam, not Siam ? Bk. 4. ch. xx.-" A man may more justifiably throw up cross and pile for his opinions." What is the origin of this phrase? A. A.D. Quotations in Locke wanted.- Bk. S. ch. ix. - -"Si non vis intelligi, debes negligi." A. A.D. DISCOVERY OF THE BODY OF A BEHEADED MAX A few weeks ago, in clearing out the ruins of an old chapel at Nuneham Regis in Warwickshire, which had been pulled down (all but the belfry tower) about forty years since, we thought it ne cessary to trench the whole space, that we might more certainly mark out the boundaries of the building, as we wished to restore it in some measure to its former state; it had been used as a stackyard, and a depository of rubbish by the tenants of the farm on which it was, ever since its W. dilapidation. We began to trench at the west end, and came on a great many bones and ske letons, from which the coffins had crumbled away, till, finding the earth had been moved, we went deeper and discovered a leaden coffin quite per fect, but without date or inscription of any kind; there had been an outer wooden coffin which was decayed, but quantities of the black rotted wood were all round it. We cut the lead and folded back the top so as not to destroy it; beneath was a wooden coffin in good preservation, and also without any inscription. As soon as the leaden top was rolled back, a most overpowering aromatic smell diffused itself all over the place; we then unfastened the inner coffin, and found the body of a man embalmed with great care, and heaps of rosemary and aromatic leaves piled over him. On examining the body more closely we found it had been beheaded, the head was separately wrapped up in linen, and the linen shirt that covered the QUERIES ON LOCKE'S " ESSAY ON THE UNDER- Bk. 2. ch. xiv. — “I leave it to others to judge whether it be not probable that our ideas do, while we are awake, succeed one another in our minds at certain distances, not much unlike the images in the inside of a lanthorn turned round by the heat of a candle." What is the exact toy alluded to? Bk. 2. ch. xxvii.-" I once met a man who was per suaded his soul had been the soul of Socrates; how reasonably, I will not dispute; this I know, that in the post he filled, which was no inconsiderable one, he passed for a very rational man, and the press hath shown that he wanted not parts or learning." Is it known to whom Locke alludes? |